BISMARK.

INCE 1862, Count Karl Otto von Bismarck-Schonhausen has really stood at the head of the Prussian nation. His spirit has been felt in peace and war, and his counsels have chiefly controlled King William. This stern, hard, positive old man is so fully under the control of Von Bismark as to be moulded into an altogether different being; yet he appears to be wholly unconscious of the fact, and complacently gives the orders that are the suggestions of Bismark, securing, at last, the love and respect of those who, a few years ago, were bitterly hostile to every measure he advanced or advocated. The man who could accomplish such results, and, while preserving peace between the King and the people, lead both forward in harmony to a higher position, deserves the credit of being one of, if not the first statesman in Europe.

Bismark was born at Schonhausen, in the province of Saxony, April 1, 1814. His family belonged to the ancient nobility, and had long served the Saxon and Prussian rulers. He was educated for the legal profession, but entered the army soon after obtaining his degree of Doctor of Philosophy, serving first in the light infantry, and afterwards as an officer of the reserves. He did not enter upon public life, or take any part in politics until he was thirty years of age, when he was elected to the Diet of Saxony, and afterwards to the United Diet, in 1847. In the latter he soon became leader of the conservative party, and distinguished himself for eloquence and logical ability. He opposed the adoption of the constitution which was offered to Prussia, fought furiously against the prevailing democracy of the period, and it is said declared vehemently that the great cities of Europe ought to be razed to the ground because they were hot-beds of democracy and constitutionalism. Since that time he has grown wiser, and looks to a constitutional form of government as something which might, under some circumstances be warranted. His course at the Diet attracted the attention of King Frederick William IV., and in 1851 he assigned him the difficult and important post of Privy Counselor to the Prussian Embassy at Frankfort. In this position he laid down the principle that Prussia could not fulfill her mission to Germany until Austria should be driven from the

confederation. In 1852 he was sent on a special mission to Vienna, and there as at Frankfort showed himself the vigilant and untiring adversary of Count Rochberg, the Austrian Premier. A pamphlet, written with great ability, appeared in 1858, entitled "Prussia on the Italian Question," and was very generally attributed to him-no doubt with truth-for he never lost an opportunity to wield tongue or pen in behalf of what he believed to be the best interests of his government. In 1856 he was minister to St. Petersburg, and in 1860 he visited Paris. In May, 1862, he was transferred by the present King to the French Embassy, but remained in Paris only till September, when he was summoned to Berlin as premier of the new Cabinet, with the double duty of governor of the King's household and Minister of Foreign Affairs. He had already attained high distinction as a diplomatist and a parliamentarian, but his new position was one requiring greater talents, and those of a higher order than any yet displayed, and he soon proved himself quite equal to the emergency. He inherited from the Ministry a chronic quarrel with the House of Deputies of the Prussian Legislature. The King and his cabinet had deemed it indispensable to reorganize the army, and substitute for the militia a system of military training which would make every able-bodied man in the realm an educated soldier, owing and giving to the nation three years of military service; forming a reserve force liable to be called upon in actual war. Connected with this were changes, promoting greater efficiency amongst the officers, and making the nation a nation of soldiers-every man an adept in the use of arms. The necessity of this grew out of the position of Prussia in relation to Germany. Either she, a nearly pure German power, or Austria, whose population was mostly made up of non-German nationalities, must lead Germany.. If Prussia was to take this place she must be prepared for it; if she yielded the position that was rightfully her own—if she accepted at the hands of Austria the humiliating alternative of war, she must do it in silence and forever after hold her peace. In that case she sank to a second-rate power, and might never hope to rise, at least without war-war it might be probably must be— if she sustained herself, since Austria would not relinquish her position without fighting. And Prussia must be prepared for it, since she would have to contend with superior power, so far as

numbers and resources were concerned, yet to give any hint to the world of her object was to court defeat. The King, therefore, under Bismark's advice, though himself opposed to a war with Austria for any cause, went forward and reorganized the army, expending large sums of money and doing the work thoroughly, and then calling upon the Diet for an appropriation to meet it. This was persistently refused, and when the House of Nobles voted it the Diet impeached the action as illegal, and long and bitter was the struggle between the two Houses; but when the crisis came, and Prussia, having formed an alliance with Italy, declared war with Austria, and defeated her in seven weeks, the wisdom of Bismark's course was obvious, and those who had denounced him most unreservedly were then willing to acknowledge their obligations to him. The German Confederacy was reorganized with Prussia at its head, and all the German States, except Austria, bound by treaties either offensive or defensive; and it was to the wisdom and prudence of the Prime Minister that this was due. Gifted with a remarkable insight into the motives of men, and especially of monarchs and political leaders, Count von Bismark has measured his strength with the ablest diplomatists in Europe, but has never met his equal; indeed, we do not believe that for far-seeing judgment, for concentration and strength of purpose, for rare discrimination, and cool, calm, reasoning powers, there is a living statesman in Europe who is his peer. He was aware, after the battle of Sadowa, that Napoleon would make a war between France and Prussia as soon as he could find a pretext for doing it, and he foresaw, better than any one else did, what the pretext would be. While carefully avoiding any provocation, he was urging on, with quiet force, every means to be ready to meet it, and when Napoleon declared war, Prussia was ready to meet it, but France was not. Proud, haughty and imperious, depending too much upon the glory of the Napoleonic Dynasty to intimidate the world, or, perhaps, he really believed the arms of France were invincible, yet he has had abundant opportunity, in his forced seclusion, to meditate upon the fallacy of measuring swords with a man like Bismark. In person the Count is a portly but intellectual looking man, with a quick, nervous manner, partly the result of ill-health, yet with an air of great self-command, while his keen, brilliant eyes have a

most pleasing expression. He is a fine scholar, thoroughly acquainted with most of the languages of Europe, speaking them fluently. His herculean labors within the last five years have permanently impaired his health, and it is not likely he will ever regain it. While Germany is a nation, and while her people glory in the triumph of her cause, they will never forget how much is due to Bismarck's diplomatic and parliamentary powers for their reorganization and safe establishment as an independent and honorable kingdom, and the first power in Europe,

CARL SCHURZ.

ON 1848, when the present formidable German Empire was divided into some thirty-seven duchies, principalities and other monarchial governments, which drained the substance from the people that held them in bonds of almost penal servitude, a few brave men called the masses to arms, and sought to establish a great republic. Among the prominent agitators of the movement was Carl Schurz, now Senator from Missouri. It is but a matter of history that the uprising was unsuccessful, and a large number of the leaders were executed, others imprisoned, and many banished. Among the latter was Carl Schurz. Upon taking his forced departure, he exclaimed: "To-day I leave you, an exile; but I shall return, and when I do you shall respect me as much as you now despise me!" and if any man had the power to make good the words that to the old world despots were both a threat and a prophesy, it is he who flung them back as a parting souvenir to a power he hated.

Physically he is tall, sinewy and lean. His physiognomy is pure Teutonic. A fair forehead, under dark-brown, carelesslycombed hair, sallow cheeks; a sharply-cut nose, and deep indentations above flaring nostrils; a reddish moustache and a reddish