poverty Society organised a protest parade, in which about 25,000 people, mostly Catholic wage-earners, took part.

The antagonism between George and the socialists grew from day to day. In June The Standard opened up a discussion concerning the word "Labor" in the party's title. George was displeased with the term because it had narrow associations and would handicap the new movement with the notion that it [was] merely a class movement." He preferred either Free Soil or Free Land. McGlynn shared his view and offered the "Commonwealth" party as a substitute. The socialists stubbornly defended the term "Labor" and, in a less emphatic way, the trade unionists did the same. The election of delegates to the state convention began in July. Here and there appeared instructions to delegates to defend the term "Labor" in the party's name, to emphasise "Labor demands" in the platform, and to nominate a "straight labor ticket." This was attributed by the single taxers to the influence of the socialists and, in consequence, the breach grew wider and wider. In the middle of July the rumour spread that the socialists would be ousted from the United Labor party on the ground that they at the same time belonged to another party-the Socialist Labor party. Thereupon the socialists demanded that the county executive committee issue a ruling on the eligibility of socialists to membership. The committee met on July 29, and unanimously decided that the socialists were eligible to membership.30 Encouraged by this, the socialists began to push their views and candidates and the election of their delegates still more energetically, so that the general press heralded the news that, repeating the case of the Leader, the socialists were about to capture the United Labor party.

George and the single taxers felt that this placed the future of the movement at stake. On August 5 the county general committee met. The decision of the executive committee was made a subject of lively discussion and Chairman McMackin was asked to rule upon the eligibility of the socialists. Although in his capacity of chairman of the executive committee he had shortly before voted in favour of the socialists, he now

30 New York Standard, Aug. 13, 1887.

ruled against them, and was sustained by a considerable majority.3

31

War was now openly declared. The twenty-four assembly district organisations became as many battle fields preparatory to the battle royal at the state convention at Syracuse. Ten districts protested against the ousting of the socialists, 7 approved of McMackin's ruling, 4 expressed no opinion, and in 3 districts rival delegations to Syracuse were elected. The majority of the districts adopted resolutions urging that "Labor " should be retained in the party's name and labour demands in the platform. The attitude of the trade unions as a whole was similar. While all were united in the desire for a labour platform and a purely labour party, the position on the expulsion of the socialists was bound to be undecided, as the majority were influenced by the consideration of harmony in the party and especially between them and Henry George. Naturally, the German unions favoured the socialists. Schevitsch stated at the Syracuse convention that 12 unions with an aggregate membership of 17,000 condemned the expulsion.32 But on the other hand, the entire building trades section of the Central Labor Union, with a membership of 40,000 (including several large German unions which favoured the socialists), upheld McMackin.33 The leaders in the Central Labor Union tried to avoid bringing up the question for discussion and succeeded in doing so by a tie vote.34

66

The attitude of Gompers, whose position was that of a sympathising outsider, was characteristic. He said: The labour movement, to succeed politically, must work for present and tangible results. While keeping in view a lofty ideal, we must advance towards it through practical steps, taken with intelligent regard for pressing needs. I believe with the most advanced thinkers as to ultimate ends, including the abolition of the wage-system. . . ." However, " as many of us understand it, Mr. George's theory of land taxation does not promise present reform, nor an ultimate solution." 35

The attitude of the parties immediately concerned in the conflict was the following. The New York section of the So

31 New York Leader, Aug. 5, 1887.

32 Ibid., Aug. 18, 1887.

38 Public (Chicago), Nov. 17, 1911,

34 New York Standard, Aug. 20, 1887. 35 New York Leader, July 25, 1887.

cialist Labor party held a meeting which declared that it was not a political party in the sense of the clause in the constitution of the United Labor party, and emphatically denied having had any intention whatsoever of capturing that party. The Leader justly accounted for the expulsion on the ground that George feared that the voters might believe the statements of the general press that his party in reality was socialistic. It proposed a reconciliation on the basis of a return to the status prior to McMackin's ruling, promising, however, that the socialist organisation would officially declare that it was not a political party. George, on his part, remained irreconcilable. "The question between State or German Socialism and the ideas of that great party of equal rights and individual freedom which is now beginning to rise all over the land, may as well, since the Socialists have raised it, be settled now.' 99 36 His view was shared by McGlynn and other single

taxers.

The state convention met on the appointed day with 180 delegates. Those from the assembly districts, namely, the workingmen's delegates, were nearly evenly divided on the question of admitting socialists. But the balance was turned in favour of the irreconcilable single taxers' attitude by the presence of a considerable number of delegates from land and labour clubs. Louis F. Post was elected temporary chairman by 91 votes against 61 cast for Frank Ferrell, a prominent labour leader from New York who was supported by the socialists and their sympathisers. The committee on credentials brought in two reports. The majority report, signed by 15 members, was against the admission of the 6 socialist delegates who still held their connection with the Socialist Labor party, on the ground that the decision of the highest executive authority (Chairman McMackin) was binding. The minority report, signed by 8 members, favoured the admission of the socialists. A heated debate ensued. Schevitsch was the principal speaker for the socialists. He warned the convention not to antag onise the workingmen in large industrial cities and condemned as demagoguery the endeavour made to represent the issue as one between American and foreign ideas.37 A compromise

36 Ibid., Aug. 4, 1887.

37 New York Standard, Aug. 27, 1887.

resolution was introduced, giving each contesting delegate onehalf vote upon the promise of the Socialist Labor party at its next convention to declare that it was not a political party. Against the compromise proposed, George himself took the floor. He said: "The greatest danger that could befall the party would not be the separation of its elements . . . but would be a continuance within its ranks of incongruous elements. This is the question we must settle. We cannot compromise.' McGlynn spoke in the same vein. The vote was 94 to 59 against the socialists.

38

The platform adopted took special pains to disavow any leaning toward socialism. Of course, the single tax was made the principal issue. The platform included also a demand for currency reform, municipal ownership of public utilities, and a list of labour and democracy demands.39 McMackin was elected permanent chairman of the party. Among the five candidates named for office at the coming election, there was no wage-earner. George received the nomination for secretary of

state.

Soon after the Syracuse convention, the socialists in New York called a conference to form a new labour party. It was attended by delegates from 56 trade unions, 31 political organisations in New York and Brooklyn, and from 15 sections of the Socialist Labor party from New York and vicinity. The conference launched a Progressive Labor party. The platform declared that the emancipation of the working class will be accomplished only by the workingmen themselves, "through the establishment, as demanded by the Knights of Labor, of co-operative institutions, such as will tend to supersede the wage system by the introducing of a co-operative industrial system." 40 The platform specifically enumerated a long list of labour demands, and prudently introduced the socialist wedge in the form of a demand for the public ownership of means of communication and transportation and other public utilities; it also demanded reforms in taxation, namely a tax upon unimproved land and a progressive income tax. The national convention of the Socialist Labor party, held in Buffalo at the

38 Ibid.

39 New York World, Aug. 20, 1887.

40 New York Leader, Sept. 9, 1887.

end of September, officially sanctioned participation by socialists in labour parties. The Central Labor Union condemned the Progressive Labor party by a vote of 52 to 44, the votes of the building trades being wholly against the party.

The party held a state convention the last week of September and nominated John Swinton for secretary of state, and other candidates. Swinton refused on the ground of ill health, but later agreed to be a candidate for the state senate in the seventh senatorial district in New York City. The campaign was enlivened by a public debate between George and Schevitsch at which Gompers, in the capacity of a person neutral to the contest, presided.

The outcome of the election proved disappointing to both parties. George's vote in New York City fell from 68,000 in the previous November to 37,000. In the whole State it was 72,000. The Progressive Labor party polled only 5,000 in the State, and 2,900 were cast for Swinton for state senator as against 2,300 cast for the United Labor party candidate, out of a total of 24,000. There seem to be several causes for this outcome. The dissensions in the movement apparently robbed it of the prospect to win. With this a portion of the enthusiasm was gone. Moreover, as mentioned before, the legislative session of 1887 had yielded a most abundant crop of labour laws. Another potent influence was the improved industrial conditions, which, having started on the up-grade in the early part of 1886, reached a normal state in the middle of 1887. And last, but not least, the labour upheaval had spent its force by the middle of 1887. After the election, the United Labor party rapidly dwindled to a small group of land reformers. George abandoned it in 1888 and supported Cleveland for president. McGlynn remained until 1889 when the party finally disappeared.

The political movement outside of New York 41 passed through a similar cycle. In the autumn election of 1886, independent labour candidates were run in many places under various party names. In Boston the workingmen's candidates were upon the Central Labor Union ticket. The labour party

41 In the following account the author drew from an unpublished monograph by

E. E. Witte, Union Labor Parties, 18841889.