the trades assemblies of Boston, Chicago, Cincinnati, Cleveland, Dayton, Detroit, District of Columbia, Indianapolis, New York, and the Pacific Coast. Leffingwell of the Indianapolis Trades Assembly was chosen president, Gompers, vice-president, Congressman Murch, the English secretary, and Hugo Miller, of the German-American Typographia, the German secretary. The report of the legislative committee complained of meagre support from the trade unions which prevented the Federation from accomplishing any work. When the congressional committee was appointed, it sent a letter to Speaker Keifer, of the House of Representatives, suggesting names for the standing committee on education and labour, but the speaker did not even acknowledge the receipt of the letter. Richard Powers, of the Lake Seamen's Union, was sent to Washington in the interest of a seamen's safety bill, and he also helped to defeat a bill forbidding seamen to organise. Although he represented the Federation, his expenses were paid by his own union. Another mark of lack of interest in the Federation was shown by the fact that only one-half of the 5,000 copies of proceedings of the Pittsburgh convention were sold during the year. The Federation, with an annual budget of but $445.31, doubtless failed to justify the expectations of its organisers. The convention gave attention to the tariff, to the eight-hour day, and to the land question. Frank Foster, of Boston, representing the International Typographical Union, moved to strike out the tariff plank in the constitution, on the ground that under the protective tariff, prosperity was not passed on to the workingmen. It was carried against one negative vote. An eighthour declaration, presented by the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly and drawn up in the spirit of Ira Steward's teaching, was passed with the amendment, however, changing the wording from "the only" remedy to "a" remedy. Gompers felt lukewarm towards the declaration, for to him the eight-hour day meant providing more employment rather than raising the standard of living and thereby wages.57 The land question was brought up in the form of a single-tax resolution offered by Grennell, of the Detroit trades assembly, but the general con 57 Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions, Proceedings, 1882, p. 17. 99 58 sensus of opinion, as expressed by Gompers, was the more socialistic view that "it is not the ownership of land that should be fought, but the doings of the capitalists we are organised to oppose." The convention, however, recognised the Henry George agitation by recommending the study of the land question. Two planks were added to the platform, one opposing the contract system on public works and the other demanding employers' liability. Resolutions were adopted demanding the further restriction of Chinese immigration and extending an invitation to women's trade unions to affiliate with the Federation. The basis of representation was changed to admit, in addition to national trade unions and city trades councils, state or provincial federations of trades unions with two votes, district assemblies of the Knights of Labor 59 with one vote, and local trade unions also with one vote each, provided that "no local trade union shall be entitled to representation which has not been organised six months prior to the session of this body," a measure taken apparently to safeguard against politicians. The national trade union remained, of course, the basic unit of the Federation. The convention adjourned on November 24, having re-elected W. H. Foster as secretary of the legislative committee, and Gompers, Howard, Edmonston, and Powers, members. Gompers was subsequently chosen by the committee as chairman and Powers as first vice-chairman. The third convention of the Federation opened in New York City on August 21, 1883, with twenty-seven delegates. The same national trade unions as in the previous convention, with the exception of the granite cutters, were represented. Delegates from 5 city trades assemblies, 1 state assembly, the workingmen's assembly of the State of New York, 5 local trade unions, and a women's national labour league completed the roll. Gompers was chosen president, and the legislative committee made a report differing but little in contents from the report at the previous convention. The committee used Gabriel Edmonston, of the carpenters' brotherhood, who resided in Washington, 58 Ibid., 23. 59 Richard Powers called attention to the fact that "an impression had gone out that this Congress ignored the Knights of Labor, when, on the contrary, it had decided that the Knights of Labor shall have an equal representation in the Federation." Ibid., 27. as a lobbyist before Congress,60 and he introduced through Congressman Murch a bill for the incorporation of trade unions.61 Considerable success in getting legislation was attained during the year by the trade unions in New York, New Jersey, Massachusetts, Michigan, and Maine, but the only credit that the Federation could claim was the one that its platform demanded all the measures enacted. The report referred to over-zealous partisans who continued efforts detrimental to that harmony which should exist between labor organisations," attack on the Knights of Labor. a veiled The convention discussed steps to be taken to make the Federation represent the entire labour movement. The committee on standing orders reported a resolution which called for the appointment of a special committee to "confer with the Knights of Labor, and other kindred labour organisations, with a view to a thorough unification and consolidation of the working people throughout the country." 62 Here the half-concealed animosity towards the Knights of Labor again revealed itself, for Gompers opposed too definite action and proposed instead that the legislative committee be instructed. " to enter into immediate correspondence with the proper officers of national and international Labor organisations of all descriptions, for the purpose of obtaining their views upon what basis a more thorough unification of the Labor organisations may be accomplished," and to report to the next session of the Federation.63 Finally a substitute resolution was passed, directing the legislative committee to appoint subcommittees to confer, etc., but the name of the Knights of Labor was not mentioned.64 No changes were made in the platform. The only interesting discussion in this connection was raised by a letter from Jarrett declaring that the iron and steel workers' union could no longer affiliate with the Federation because it had "passed a series of resolutions condemning tariff.” 65 The legislative committee was thereupon authorised to reply that the action of the convention of 1882 signified not a condemnation of protec 60 He received $15 for loss of time. The Federation was too poor to employ a regular lobbyist in Washington. 61 Senator Blair, of New Hampshire, introduced in the Senate a similar bill at the same session. 62 Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions, Proceedings, 1883, p. 10. 63 Ibid., 11. 64 Ibid. tion, but merely an expression of a desire to keep the Federation altogether out of the tariff controversy.66 However, the Amalgamated Association did not return to the Federation until 1887.67 The constitution, like the platform, was left unchanged, except that the membership of the legislative committee was increased to 9 so as to include 1 president, 6 vice-presidents, a secretary, and a treasurer. But a notable advance was made in the method of legislative action. A resolution was adopted ordering that "a committee be appointed to attend the next national conventions of the two great political parties, and in the name of the organised workmen of the United States demand the incorporation in their platform of principles their position on the enforcement of the eight-hour law, the incorporation of national trade organisations, and the establishment of a national bureau of labor statistics." 68 The important resolutions passed were two on the hours of labour, one declaring "the question of shortening the hours of labor as paramount to all other questions at present"; 69 another recommending "to international, national, and local unions the necessity of shortening the hours of labor to eight hours per day "; 70 another resolution advocated government ownership of telegraph lines on the ground that the existing system practised discrimination and extortion toward the consumers and that under it "the law of demand of labor is controlled by one corporation"; a resolution endorsing the cigar makers' label was passed; another recommended the organisation of factory workers; and finally, an address was drafted to "Working Girls and Women urging them to organise. Upon the new legislative committee for 66 Ibid., 20. 67 The Pittsburgh National Labor Tribune at the time constantly maintained that the weakness of the Federation was due to the position it had taken upon the tariff. Since these first conventions the Federation has scrupulously been on guard against expressing any position upon tariff questions. The convention of 1889 overwhelmingly voted down a resolution asking for an increase of duties upon imported cigars. (American Federation of Labor, Proceedings, 1889, p. 24.) In 1895 the same treatment befell a resolution presented by John B. Lennon, that "while the protective tariff policy of our government continues" ready-made clothing should not be allowed to be brought in free of duty. (Ibid., 72, 73.) Some of the national unions affiliated with the Federation, however, adopted an out-and-out stand in the protective tariff controversy. The iron and steel workers' union on sev eral occasions sent lobbyists to Washington to urge that steel be protected by high duties. (Cleveland Citizen, Sept. 23, 1893.) 68 Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions, Proceedings, 1883, p. 11. 69 Ibid., 17. 70 Ibid., 16. the year were: McLogan, of the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly, president; Gompers, first vice-president; Frank H. Foster and Robert Howard, secretary and treasurer, respectively. Immediately after the convention adjourned, the legislative committee, under instructions, made arrangements for a hearing before the Senate Committee on Education and Labor, which was at that time taking testimony on the relations between labour and capital.71 During 1884 it became evident that the Federation as a legislative organisation had proved a failure. Manifestly the trade unions felt no great interest in national legislation. Their indifference can be measured by the fact that the annual income of the Federation never exceeded $700 and that, excepting in 1881, none of its conventions represented more than one-fourth of the trade union membership of the country. Under such conditions the legislative influence of the Federation naturally was infinitesimal. The legislative committee carried out the instructions of the 1883 convention and sent communications to the national committees of the Republican and Democratic parties with the request that they should define their position upon the enforcement of the eight-hour law and other measures. The letters were not even answered. A subcommittee of the legislative committee appeared before the two political conventions, but met with no greater attention. The situation is described in Secretary Foster's report in the following words: "In presenting my report as secretary for the year past I am conscious that its chief interest will consist of the future possibilities it suggests rather than in its record of objects attained. The lack of funds has seriously crippled the work of the Federation, and this, coupled with an organisation lacking cohesiveness, has allowed small scope for effective expenditure of effort." 72 Altogether, notwithstanding the encouraging growth of local and national unions in the early eighties, the time was not yet ripe for a national federation. 71 The committee published four volumes of testimony in 1885, but it never presented a report. The testimony elicited throws little light on the situation. Evidently the senators were unfamiliar with the subject, as is shown by the nature of their questions. The more important |