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issued to members and also because it advocated socialism instead of anarchism. However, like the Black International, it declared allegiance to the anarchistic International which was re-established at the London Congress in 1881 as the continuation of the old International Workingmen's Association.

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The form of organisation was the so-called "closed group system. This meant that each member of an original group of nine organised an additional group of nine; next, that each member of the new group in his turn organised a group of nine, and so forth, so that a member could have knowledge of the personnel of only two groups: the one to which he belonged himself and that which he himself had organised. The officers of a division, however, kept a record of all the members in the division. There were altogether two divisions: the Pacific Coast Division presided over by Haskell and the Rocky Mountain Division established by Joseph R. Buchanan, of Denver, in 1883. Each division was entirely autonomous so that, to this extent, the International conformed to the anarchistic principle of organisation.85

Haskell was of native parentage, a man with considerable means, and a lawyer. However, he never practised his profession. In January, 1882, he founded the San Francisco Truth, as a weekly organ of the anti-Chinese "League of Deliverance," and, owing to his great though erratic ability, it immediately became an influential sheet on the coast. Haskell viewed the anti-Chinese issue merely as a preliminary step to a radical overhauling of society, but refused to class himself with any of the existing schools, preferring to keep independent and to work towards the unification of all. While he kept the columns of his paper open alike to members of the Socialist Labor party, to greenbackers, to Black Internationalists, and to others, his own philosophy, as far as he may be said to have had a clearly defined philosophy, was state socialism combined with an opposition to either political action or violence as policies for the present. Instead, he advocated a long campaign. of education in preparation for the coming social revolution. In this spirit were framed the programme and the Declaration of the Rights of Man.86

85 Buchanan, The Story of a Labor Agi. tator, 254-289.

86 Truth, Sept. 15, 1883.

Buchanan, being absorbed as he was in his work for the Knights of Labor,87 took a mere academic interest in the cause of the International, believing that for the present it should be confined to a few choice spirits rather than widely propagated among the working people. The number of such choice spirits, although including some of the prominent labour leaders of the country, hardly ever exceeded a thousand. Still it is true that the somewhat vague aspiration towards a better society, which the International suggests, had its roots directly in the contemporaneous labour movement and sprang from the conviction shared by many leaders of the time, that, though the labouring people might at times appear successful in their struggle, they were nevertheless incapable of securing lasting results.88

Alongside the two Internationals, the Socialist Labor party kept up an inconspicuous existence. After 1880, owing to the inroads made by anarchism, it had dwindled to a corporal's guard. It reached the lowest point in 1883, when there were only 30 sections with a total membership of about 1,500. A slight revival began in 1884. During this year 21 new sections were organised in the East and Middle West. In 1885 61 sections already existed. The centre of the movement was New York, with the daily New Yorker Volkszeitung edited by Alexander Jonas, and with Sergius Schevitsch, a Russian of noble birth, formerly in the diplomatic service of his country, and also for a time editor of the paper. The Socialist Labor party took no part in political campaigns until the political upheaval in New York in 1886.

87 See below, II, 367 et seq.

88 The Red International reached its highest point in 1886 and became amalga

mated with the Socialist Labor party in 1887.

CHAPTER VII

THE NEW TRADE UNIONISM, 1878-1884

From Socialism to Pure and Simple Trade Unionism. Two lines of trade union action, 302. Plan for the organisation of the unskilled: The International Labor Union, 302. "Internationalism" and " Stewardism," 302. Trade unionism and eight-hour legislative action, 303. Programme of the International Labor Union, 303. Success among textile workers, 304. The first convention, 305. Steps towards an international trade union organisation, 305. Failure of the International Labor Union, 306. International Cigar Makers' Union - the new model for the organisation of the skilled, 306. Strasser and Gompers, 307. Crystallisation of the pure and simple trade union philosophy, 308. Railroad brotherhoods, 309.

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First Successes. The trades assemblies and their functions, economic, political, and legislative, 310. Building trades' councils the first move towards industrialism, 312. Federations of the water-front trades in the South, 312. The Negro, 312. Formation of new national trade unions, 313. Their increase in membership, 1879-1883, 313. Their control over locals, 314. Their benefit features, 314. Their attitude towards legal incorporation, 314. Predominance of the foreign-speaking element in the trade unions, 315. The charge that the foreigners in the trade unions deprive the American boy of his opportunity in industry, 315. Strikes in 1880 and 1881, 316. Iron workers' strike in 1882, 316. The boycott, 316. New York Tribune boycott, 317.

Towards Federation. Attempts towards national federation since 1876, 318. Part played by the Knights of Labor in the last and successful attempt, 318. The Terre Haute conference, 318. Call for a convention, 320. Trade unions in the eighties and trade unions to-day, 320. The Pittsburgh convention of 1881, 321. The cause of the large representation of the Knights of Labor, 321. Formation of the Federation of Organised Trades and Labor Unions of the United States and Canada, 322. Attitude towards organising the unskilled, 323. Subordination of the city trades' assembly to the national trade union, 323. Legislative committee and the legislative programme, 324. The incorporation plank, 325. Shift from the co-operation argument to the one of trade agreements on the question of incorporation, 326. Second convention of the Federation, 326. Absence of the Knights of Labor and of the iron and steel workers, 326. Lack of interest in the Federation on the part of the trade unions, 327. The convention of 1883, 328. The first signs of friction with the Knights of Labor, 329. Attitude towards a protective tariff, 329. Miscellaneous resolutions, 330. Failure of the Federation as an organisation for obtaining legislation, 331.

THE former members of the International in New York and vicinity, unlike their colleagues in Chicago, did not remain

with the Workingmen's party after the Newark convention, at which, as we have seen,1 the programme had been changed to political action and the name to Socialist Labor party. Thereafter, they kept entirely aloof from the socialist movement, but devoted themselves exclusively to the economic organisation of labour. Two distinct lines of effort resulted from this. One group under McDonnell and Sorge entered into an alliance with the eight-hour advocates under Steward, McNeill, and Gunton 2 in an attempt to organise the unskilled into the International Labor Union. Union. Another group headed by Adolph Strasser of the cigar makers' union, and later joined by P. J. McGuire, proceeded to regenerate and strengthen the trade unions of the skilled.

The International Labor Union was launched in the beginning of 1878, when McDonnell and McNeill organised a provisional central committee with members in eighteen different States, including A. R. Parsons and George Schilling, of Chicago; Otto Weydemeyer, of Pittsburgh; F. A. Sorge, of Hoboken; George Gunton and Ira Steward, of Massachusetts. The central committee acted through an executive board of seven, which included J. P. McDonnell, Carl Speyer, and George E. McNeill, the latter being president.

As is shown by the personnel of the officers, the new organisation represented the coming together of the two class-conscious programmes of the International and Steward's Eight-Hour League. Both had a socialist system of society for the final aim. But the socialism of Steward was not the collectivism of the International, but was, instead, a system of voluntary cooperation between employers and employés under which profit would ultimately be absorbed by wages. They differed in method of attainment even more than they did in the final aim. The International believed, as we have seen, in political action by a labour party that should grow out from, and be controlled

1 See above, II, 277 et seq.

2 George Gunton, textile worker, economist, and editor, was born in Cambridgeshire, England, in 1847. He emigrated to the United States in 1874, and for some time worked in factories in Massachusetts. Like McNeill, he was closely associated with Ira Steward and his Wealth and Progress, which appeared in 1887, was based upon Steward's unpublished writ

ings. In 1890 Gunton became president of the Institute of Social Economics and editor of the Social Economist, the name of which was changed in 1896 to Gunton's Magazine. Gunton acted as an organiser of the International Labor Union in Fall River during 1878-1880. He subsequently severed connections with the labour movement and became one of the best-known defenders of the trusts.

by, the trade unions. It laid peculiar stress, therefore, upon the need for the immediate organisation of trade unions. Steward's eight-hour philosophy, held, on the contrary, neither to political action by a labour party nor to trade union action, but based the hopes for its millennium upon a general eight-hour law, which would have the effect of increasing the wants of the wage-earner and, therefore, his wages, until the latter had completely absorbed the employers' profits. In other words, the difference in methods preached by the two schools consisted in the fact that the International advocated for the present trade union action only, and, ultimately, a labour party, while the eight-hour school advocated as both an immediate and an ultimate programme a vigorous agitation in favour of a general eight-hour law, which politicians of all parties would not dare to disobey.

The International Labor Union accepted from Steward the theory of wages and from the International the idea of trade unionism. The platform was couched in the well-known Steward phraseology in the parts dealing with principles and demands:

...

"The wage system is a despotism under which the wage-worker is forced to sell his labor at such price and under such conditions as the employer of labor shall dictate. . . . That as the wealth of the world is distributed through the wage system, its better distribution must come through higher wages and better opportunities, until wages shall represent the earnings and not the necessities of labor; thus melting profit upon labor out of existence, and making cooperation, or self-employed labour, the natural and logical step from wages slavery to free labor. . . . The first step towards the emancipation of labor is a reduction of the hours of labor; that the added leisure produced by a reduction of the hours of labor will operate upon the natural causes that affect the habits and customs of the people, enlarging wants, stimulating ambition, decreasing idleness, and increasing wages.

"We, therefore, severally agree to form ourselves into a Committee, known as the Provisional Central Committee of the International Labor Union, whose objects shall be to secure the following measures: The reduction of the hours of labour; higher wages; factory, mine and workshop inspection; abolition of the contract convict labor and truck systems; employers to be held responsible for accidents by neglected machinery; prohibition of child labor; the establishment of Labor Bureaus; labor propaganda by means

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