but when he comes out from the ocean and plainly avows his sentiments, he may do incalculable good. A small cause may produce a great effect, and a small cause may prevent that effect. A single spark may set a whole city on fire, but a single drop of water may extinguish that spark. Little did Luther think, when he posted his famous theses on the church-door in Wittemburgh, that he was lighting up a fire which would in time consume the mighty fabric of Roman Catholic superstition, and that his power would be felt to the ends of the earth.

There was a time, when antimonianism was a very common heresy in the church. A sinner was told that he must wait God's time, and that he could do nothing of himself. I have seen a book which has in it this pasSage:"The most diligent attention to the means of grace affords no more hope of salvation, than the most profligate life." Christians have now generally abandoned such sentiments, so far as individuals are concerned; but with respect to nations, they still adhere to them, for they practically say that the most diligent attention to the means of abolishing the custom of war, give no more hope of preserving peace, than the utmost exertions to keep up a military spirit in the country. They are for waiting God's time, as though his time was not now. "Now is the accepted time, now is the day of salvation." Whenever a sinner will, he may turn from his wicked ways; and so may a nation. God has extended his promises to both. Those who seek shall find; "and to him that knocketh, it shall be opened;" and this is as applicable to a nation as to an individual. Let the church but do her duty; "let her arise and shine, her light being come;" let her shake off the filth and blood which now defile the skirts of her garments, and come out from the world, and openly denounce the wicked custom of war, and she will be more terrible to ambitious conquerors, than an army with banners.

SECTION VI.

Christians become weary in well doing.

ANOTHER obstacle to the progress of the principles of Peace is, that Christians and philanthropists are too often weary in well doing.

When the success of any good cause depends on the patient, laborious, and protracted exertions of those who undertake it, and much time elapses before they reap the benefit of their labours, they are very apt to relax their zeal; and if they do not actually give up the cause in despair, they complain bitterly of the weariness of the way, and often cease to exert themselves.

The end of all feeling is, or should be, action. If we neglect to act after we have felt, we shall soon cease to feel. This is agreeable to a law of our nature. The philanthropist who acts upon the excitement, becomes more philanthropic. In the last end of Howard's glorious career, his philanthropy shone brighter than at its commencement. In fact, our passive sensations are weakened by the repetition of impressions, just as our active propensities are strengthened by the repetition of action.

When a man has made a sacrifice to promote any good cause, he will generally feel an attachment to that cause, which will be strong in proportion to the magnitude of the sacrifice. A husbandman who has ploughed, harrowed, and sowed, will wait patiently for the fruits of his labours; but he who expects to reap only the spontaneous bounties of nature, will soon become impatient and hopeless, if he does not perceive strong evidence of his being gratified.

It must be confessed that there are instances in which those who have laboured well in the cause of Peace, have been weary in well doing, and have felt disposed to give up the cause in despair. It becomes such tơ

examine and see whether no impure motive has intruded itself among their better thoughts-whether a love of distinction or worldly gain has not been lurking among their motives. If this has been the case, it is no wonder if their disappointment has caused their defection. We have reason to be thankful, however, that the instances of those who have been very active in the cause, but who have left it, have been so few.

I intended that my remarks should chiefly apply to such as have only felt and never acted in the cause, and to those who have done very little, and much less than their consciences have told them that they ought to do to promote it.

Then let every friend of Peace do something to help the cause, and do it now. Let ministers of the gospel preach on the subject of Peace, and give their people an opportunity to contribute of their substance.

SECTION VII.

The glory of the American Revolutionary War.

ONE of the most formidable obstacles to the cause of Peace in this country (America) is the glory of the Revolutionary War.

At present I shall only attempt to show, that the prejudices in favour of the war of the Revolution are unfavourable to the advancement of the kingdom of the Prince of Peace, and that some, at least of the prevailing opinions concerning the benefits derived from the war of the Revolution are delusive.

We compare our present flourishing condition and our bright prospects with the situation of our country before the revolution, and we attribute all this prosperity to the success of the war; and from that deduce, an argument in favour of war in general and of defensive war in particular. At the commencement of the Revolution, our population amounted to but three millions; now we number fifteen millions. And we seem to think that the human race would have ceased to multiply if we had remained united to Great Britain; whereas it is altogether probable that the country would have been more populous. Statistical tables show that the war retarded the progress of population very considerably; and this it did, not only by lessening the natural increase, as is the case with all wars, but by preventing emigration. So far as bare population is concerned, I have no doubt the difference would be found in favour of the cause of Peace.

There are other views of the consequences of the war of the Revolution which ought to be examined; and perhaps we should inquire into the moral evils brought on the country by that war. It was accompanied with that deterioration of morals and decline of religion which always attend all war. Infidelity was almost unknown in this country before the Revolution; instances of intemperance were rare; and the sanctity of the Sabbath received a blow from which it has never yet recovered.

In a book entitled BATH-KOL, published "by the First Presbytery of the Eastward," and printed at Boston in A. D. 1783, a frightful picture is drawn of the degraded state of society in "the land of pilgrims," as a consequence of the war of the Revolution. I make a few extracts, and those not the most pointed, but the shortest.

"This Presbytery, taking into serious consideration the present low state of vital religion, the great and general declension in the practice of virtue and piety, and the alarming progress of vice and immorality of every kind," it was "ordered that a committee be appointed," to take the same into consideration and report thereon. The body of the book consists of the report, which takes up about 300 pages, 12mo. The introduction commences thus:

"It has pleased the Sovereign of

the Universe, for eight long years, to continue on America the awful judgment of a bloody and destructive war." It then proceeds to mention some of the consequences of the war, "He must be a stranger indeed in Israel, to whom it remains till now a secret, that the regard for religion, for which New-England was once conspicuous, has vanished from among us in a lamentable degree." "Family religion is a stranger to the dwellings of thousands; and the judgments of Heaven against Sabbath-breaking are pleaded as an argument for continuing in that sin." "And if such outrages against God and religion are called in question, the answer in almost every mouth is ready, 'tis war times."

"The youth, bred in the innocency of a rural retreat, that was never heard to defile his tongue with an oath in his life, no sooner gets on board of privateer, or has spent a few days in the camp, than we find him learned in all the language of hell. The most horrid oaths and infernal curses load and taint the air about him whenever he opens his mouth; and this language passes current as a grace of conversation, as a polish of style that should suffice to dub him a fine gentleman, or as certain proofs of heroism in all the arts of war."

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Benevolence to our fellow-men was perhaps never less cultivated in any country than it seems to be of late among us; hard-hearted indifference to the distress of the poor, the widow, and the orphan, have risen up and seized her throne." "Intemperance in an ungoverned passion for, and an immoderate use of, strong and spirituous liquors, even to the intoxication that degrades human nature below the brutal herd, is become sadly common among us men. Uncleanness is awfully increased. Anti-nuptial fornication is so frequent and so slightly censured, that it seems almost to be forgotten that it is a crime." "Glaring instances of peculation and breach of public trust are sheltered and uncensured; and private robberies, thefts, and burglaries abound more and more." "Avarice stalks in the streets, or lurks in the corners, and has stained the public roads with inhuman murders." Speaking of infidelity, the report says, "America at last received the infection. There were to be found among the gentlemen of the sword, as well as of the bar, in some of the principal towns in this country, certain persons who had drunk in this poison." "The last war sowed this seed plentifully. Large quantities were imported in the British fleets and armies. Officers in some of our fleets were found valuing themselves on having read Chubb, and being able to prove his book unanswerable."

But it is not necessary to my purpose to magnify the evils or undervalue the advantages, which accrued from the Revolution.

The mobs of the present day attempt to justify themselves by the example set them by the heroes of the Revolution; and well they may. We are the creatures of circumstances. Had the American Revolution failed, it would have been a bloody rebellion. As it succeeded, we call it a glorious Revolution.

Are we to look to our own advantage only, and not to the good of the whole? Allowing that the Revolution was best for us, it does not follow that it was best for the whole empire. Did not our politicians boast that, by the Revolution, the British crown lost its brightest jewel? If we are to love our enemy, ought we to rejoice at his loss?

Who can tell the effect on the destinies of the world, had Great Britain and America continued united on equitable terms, with an equal representation allowed us in the British Parliament, and our own independent State governments at home ?—and if all the mental energy, bodily suffering, and wealth, which were expended in the war, had been contributed to the good of the world and the advancement of the Redeemer's kingdom? -Could not all the advantages of the Revolution have been obtained by

moral means alone, perhaps with some suffering, but not a thousandth part so much as was actually endured?

Did it

There is another view which ought to be taken of this subject. We should look at it by the light of eternity. Was the Revolution conducive to the salvation of souls or otherwise? Did it not put an effectual stop to the great revival which began in the time of President Edwards? not introduce infidelity, vice, and immorality? Did it not send many a poor soul to its last account, "with all its imperfections on its head?" Were all the temporal advantages of the American Revolution equal to the value of one immortal soul? Would any one give his own soul for all the advantages of the Revolution? If one such person can be found, then he can easily answer the question of Christ, "What shall a man give in exchange for his soul?”

The devoted Christian, who is determined to follow the precepts of his Master, let them lead where they may, ought to ask himself these and many similar questions. Perhaps if he should, he would come to the conclusion, that "those things which are highly esteemed among men, are abomination in the sight of God."

But whatever may be our opinion of the American Revolution-its means or its consequences-it ought not to prejudice us against the cause of Peace. War is still an evil, of tremendous consequences, both temporal and eternal, to which the occasional and accidental benefits sometimes accruing from it, are but the " small dust of the balance."

SECTION VIII.

The objections that war is necessary to keep down the redundant population of the world that Peace would furnish no materials for history-that war is necessary to drain off the refuse of society-and that it is necessary to furnish occupation to the younger sons of the nobility,-considered. Most of the obstacles to the prevalence of the principles of Peace which I have previously mentioned, are not peculiar to the cause of Peace. Many of them obstruct the progress of other benevolent enterprises; and my remarks on them are chiefly applicable to those who care for none of these things”—who do not wish to examine a subject, which will be likely to make a demand on their purse, their time, or their moral courage-men, who, like chips and straws, float along with the current, and whose constant cry is, "let us alone."

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There is another class of obstacles, which do not arise from any objections to our principles. There are many who allow that our principles are correct, but who excuse themselves from taking any active part in enforcing them, by bringing various objections to any definite operation in the cause. They do not deny that our principles are founded in the Gospel-that no man can follow the example and precepts of Christ, and at the same time render evil for evil, and kill his enemy and send his soul to endless perdition; but they object to putting our principles into operation for the following reasons:

In the first place, they say that our principles, if carried out, would render the world too populous! Ten or fifteen years ago, it was said that war, with all its attendant evils of slaughter, pestilence, and famine, is necessary to keep down the redundant and overflowing population of the world; but I seldom hear it now, except in the mouth of very ignorant persons. I only mention it to show the advance of Peace principles. Many objections, which were seriously urged a few years ago, and some that are now thought quite formidable, will soon follow this to the "tomb of the Capulets."

Another objection to the progress of our principles, is, that if they

prevail we shall lack materials for history and biography. I really pity the man who prefers the description of a battle, or a duel, or a bull-fight, or a cock-fight, or any fight, to the history of those great events which are silently changing the face of the world, and making the verdure of spring to succeed the desolations of winter. Is there not enough in the history of the Reformation, the progress of foreign missions, the abolition of the slavetrade and of slavery itself, the advancement of liberal principles, and the inventions and discoveries of science-the mariner's compass, the telescope, the sextant, and all the wonders which have been brought to light in astronomy, chemistry, geology, and other sciences, to take up all the time we have to spare for reading and study? Have not the arts made a better change in the condition of the world, than ever was made by the sword? The art of printing, the steam-engine, the spinning-jenny, and a thousand other inventions, afford more rational topics for history than all the battles which were ever lost or won. There is to be, or rather there is now, a great change in the character of biography. The world is adopting a new standard of excellency. Plutarch's lives will be left to dust and worms, while the biography of such men as Luther, Faust, Galileo, Newton, Arkwright, Franklin, Bolton and Watt, Wilberforce, Fulton, Ceaveland, Silliman, and a host of other names, will receive the attention of the biographer. But this objection is now so seldom urged, that I shall bestow on it no further notice.

Another of these old objections to the operations of Peace Societies, is, that war is necessary to drain off the refuse of society. It is many years since I have heard this cruel and hard-hearted objection made use of. But it is now so generally allowed that where war sends one sinner to his last account, it creates ten, and that it fits men for the place of torment and then sends them there, that I dismiss the objection with a short notice.*

Another objection to the progress of Peace principles, which was very common about the close of the last war, and which began to be revived a little, when lately there was danger of a war with France, among those who consider themselves the aristocracy of the country, arises from the fear, that if our principles prevail, their sons will be thrown out of employment,† They say," If wars were to cease, what would become of our sons, who have been educated at West Point?" Objections of this kind are not so common in this country as they are in England, where the younger sons of the nobility enter the army or the church, according as their family connexions may be with a general or a bishop; and the people are taxed enormously for their support: but while the people complain bitterly of tithes and church-rates, they make but little objection to the millions expended in military preparations; so much more do men love earthly glory than future happiness.

SECTION IX.

The natural passions of the human heart.

THERE is another objection, which some persons propose. They say that the natural passions of the human heart must be eradicated before the friends of Peace can have any hope of success.

* In proof that the army is a school of vice and crime, Mr. Ellice stated in the British House of Commons, that one-tenth of the soldiers had been committed for crime to the public jails in the course of two years, while the annual committals in England and Wales were only one in 500 of the general population including the soldiery; thus it appears, of the army one in twenty are annually committed for crime !

This war was happily prevented, through the timely and judicious mediation of our late revered Monarch; William IV. Ages to come will consider this as one of the most glorious acts of his reign, and there were many, which will embalm his memory in the grateful recollection of posterity.-Ed.