The bishops, or presbyters, and the deacons, were no longer the willing overseers or servants of their brethren; but were exactly such as the Apostle said they ought not to be, namely, greedy of filthy lucre, brawlers, covetous, lords over God's heritage, &c. There were some happy exceptions; but the mass of them were not looking forward to a crown of glory to be received from the Chief Shepherd at His appearing: but seeking and finding the empty, fading honours that could be obtained from their fellow-men.

Towards the end of the second century, the bishops of the churches in Greece and Asia agreed to meet together, something after the manner of the ancient Amphictyonic council, to make arrangements for the general order and government. It was afterwards agreed that the bishops of the independent churches should meet in the capitals of their respective provinces every spring and autumn. It would have been desirable for any godly men, who had a real care for the Lord's glory in the church, and who watched over his people as those that must give account, to meet together to ascertain the Lord's mind on any subject in which there was difficulty or difference of judgment. But in these general councils there was much of worldly policy and human wisdom, and it was soon imagined that the Scriptures did not contain sufficient directions for the ordering of the Church. Hence, new laws were made at these times, under the name of canons; and in such of these multiplied canons as remain, there is, of course, a great mixture of truth and error: some of them agreeing with the word of God, others entirely opposed to it. The only example of a general council in Scripture is very instructive (Acts xv). The grace and meekness of the speakers, and the reception of their united judgment, as agreeing with that which “seemed good to the Holy Ghost," plainly prove that the Lord was guiding the assembly. But the tone of subsequent councils was very different; and their language was rather, it seems good to us, than “it seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us." And on these occasions it was forgotten that, according to the mind of Christ, whosoever would be chief must be the servant of the rest, and that the least among them was actually the greatest. Each strove for the pre-eminence, and the man of greatest vigour and talent succeeded in taking the lead. The bishops at the capitals were usually first in rank, wealth and influence ;

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and were soon distinguished from their brethren by the titles of metropolitans and primates. This distinction probably arose towards the close of the third century: and if once allowed, it was but natural that the Roman metropolitan should expect to be the greatest among them, as Rome was the metropolis of the empire, and the Church in that city was larger and more wealthy than any where else. But monarchical power in the Church was long resisted with abhorrence: not, it seems, from the happy remembrance that One was their Master and Head, even Christ, and all they were but brethren and fellow-members of the same body; but from the ambition of other bishops, who would not own the superiority of the primate at Rome. The struggle between the bishops at Carthage and Rome has already been mentioned; and from that period such contests became more frequent and more violent. The season of outward peace only seemed to leave free course for internal war : and during the period of tranquillity which closes the third century, we are informed that the bishops and people were living in malice with each other, and that endless quarrels, ambition, and covetousness reigned in the Church.

Notwithstanding this, the outward order and magnificence had never been so great: the first officers of state, with their families, professed Christianity; the wife and daughter of Diocletian, and the mother of Galerius, were supposed to be Christians, and had Christian servants: the palace of Constantius was filled with them; and such crowds attended the Christian assemblies that the old buildings were insufficient, and larger edifices were raised in all the great cities.

Just as the world and the Church seemed to be consenting to walk hand in hand, the open enmity was once more excited, and one more fiery persecution delayed the contemplated union. The history of the dying efforts of Paganism belongs to the reign of Diocletian and his associates.

RECOVERY OF BRITAIN.-THE

PERSIAN WAR.-RECOMMENCE

MENT OF PERSECUTION.—EDICTS AGAINST THE CHRISTIANS. -THE TRIUMPH OF DIOCLETIAN.-HIS RESIGNATION OF THE EMPIRE.

THE new mode of government by two emperors and two Cæsars appeared to prosper; and by their means tranquillity was again restored, and the provinces re-united. Constantius recovered Britain, and the inhabitants were glad to receive such a mild ruler in the place of Allectus, under whose tyranny they had groaned for three years. Both the Cæsars defended their provinces with such boldness that the repulsed barbarians often turned their arms against each other in despair; and the emperors succeeded in the overthrow of five Moorish nations who had joined together to attack the African provinces.

Alexandria had declared independence, but was taken by Diocletian after a siege of eight months. Many thousands of the Alexandrians were destroyed, and some of the cities of Egypt entirely ruined, as the emperor supposed nothing but terror could subdue the independent spirit of the nation. In A.D. 296, Diocletian declared war against Narses, king of Persia, under pretence of restoring Tiridates, the rightful heir of the throne of Armenia, to the kingdom of his father. Armenia had been under Roman protection from the reign of Nero till the time when it was seized by Artaxerxes; and the Armenians were then oppressed by the Persian rulers during twenty-six years. Tiridates, who had been saved when an infant from the destruction which fell on all his father's house, was gladly welcomed by the Armenians when he appeared among them; but by the superior power of Narses he was expelled, and again took refuge with the Roman emperor. Diocletian sent for Galerius to assist him in the Persian war: but in the first three battles the Romans were defeated through his rashness, and Tiridates scarcely escaped destruction. The emperor received the defeated Cæsar with marked displeasure, and obliged him to follow his chariot on foot. The pride of Galerius made him resolve to recover this disgrace; and, having obtained permission again to lead the army against the Persians, he was completely victorious, and Narses was obliged

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to fly. His richly furnished tents, with several of his female relations, fell into the hands of the conqueror; and he treated the latter with the same respect that Alexander had formerly shown to the wife and mother of Darius. Diocletian went out to meet the victorious Cæsar with every mark of honour and affection, and both returned to Antioch in the same chariot. There they were visited by the Persian ambassadors, with a letter from the king, in which he observed, that the Roman and Persian monarchies were "the two eyes of the world," and that it would be imperfect if either of them were put out. He desired to ransom his relations and to make conditions of peace. Galerius was little disposed to listen to any such proposals; and angrily asked the ambassadors, what mercy could be expected by their sovereign after the treatment Valerian had received? But the prudent Diocletian at length persuaded him, that an advantageous peace was to be preferred to the continuance of an uncertain war.

A treaty was concluded, by which it was agreed that the Araxes should be the boundary of the Persian empire, and thus the Persians gave up the five disputed provinces beyond the Tigris. Tiridates was restored to his kingdom, under Roman protection, and the emperor was also allowed the right of nominating the kings of Iberia. By the observance of this treaty, peace was preserved till the death of Tiridates, a period of forty years. The winter of A.D. 302, at the close of the Persian war, Galerius remained with Diocletian in the palace of Nicomedia; and the Cæsar continually urged upon his fatherin-law the necessity of taking some severe measures against the Christians. Galerius had always disliked them, and had dismissed a great number of Christian officers from their employments; perhaps considering that it was dangerous to leave any part of the empire to the defence of men of such principles. Diocletian readily consented to exclude the Christians from holding any office in his household or army; but it was long before he was willing that their blood should be shed. But in the course of the winter the arguments of Galerius and of his counsellors prevailed; and on the 23rd of February, A.D. 303, the first act of violence was committed in the destruction of the church at Nicomedia. Early in the morning the Prætorian prefect, with a strong body of guards, provided with the instruments used in destroying fortified cities, began the work; and

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in a few hours a building which had towered above the imperial palace was levelled with the ground. The Pagans searched in vain for some visible object of worship; and were obliged to content themselves with burning the volumes of the Scriptures. The next day the general edict against the Christians was put up in a conspicuous part of the city; but it was soon rashly torn down by one of the Christians. He was roasted alive before a slow fire; but he smiled through all his agonies, and, it is said, expressed the greatest abhorrence for the wicked tyranny which dictated the edict. The spirit of this man was very contrary to the becoming meekness of a Christian; but excessive commendation of his zeal was expressed, and he was exalted as a noble martyr.

Within fifteen days the palace of Nicomedia, and even the bedchamber of Diocletian, was twice in flames, and the emperor narrowly escaped. Galerius at once attributed the fire to the vengeance of the Christians, and hastily left Nicomedia, saying his life was in danger. Ecclesiastical historians, on the other hand, have supposed that it was the contrivance of Galerius, in order to excite the emperor's terror and hatred of the Christians. If it were so, he was entirely successful; for every mode of torture was practised upon such as would not sacrifice, and many were executed in the court and in the city. The wife and daughter of Diocletian were amongst the number who consented to sacrifice in order to save their lives: but the sufferings which they afterwards underwent were far worse than those of martyrdom.

By the edict of Diocletian it was commanded that all the churches throughout the empire should be thrown down; and that all who dared to hold any secret assemblies for worship should be put to death. The magistrates were desired to search for the sacred books and to burn them publicly. All the lands that had been left to the churches in different places were to be taken away; and the Christians were to be excluded from the benefits of public justice and from the protection of the law. The faithful among the Christians continued to meet after their churches were destroyed, and refused to deliver up the Scriptures; but a great mass of persons again went with the stream, and many of the bishops and presbyters betrayed the copies of the Bible, which they ought to have preserved, and were long after distinguished by the disgraceful epithet of Traditors. In