ART. 34. The Duty of not running in Debt; confidered in a Difcourfe, preached before the University of Cambridge, January, 1800. By George Whitmore, B. D. Fell and late Tutor of St. John's College. 8vo. 19 PP. 18, 6d. Rivingtons, &c. 1800.

The propriety of an admonition to young men at an University, on the fubject of incurring debts, every tutor must know, and every parent will acknowledge. It does not, however, appear to us that Mr. Whitmore has treated this topic with much originality of thought, or any peculiar felicities of expreffion. All the commendation due to excellent intention, he certainly deferves; but whether that will fuffice to take off an edition of the Sermons is a problem which experience mult refolve.

ART. 35. Caution against the Philofophy of the Times. A Sermon, preached before the Synod of Glenelg, July 17, 1799. By John Macleod, D. D. Minifter of the Gospel in Harris. Published by Defire of the Synod. 8vo. 40 pp. IS. Brown, Aberdeen; Creech, Edinburgh; Rivingtons, London, 1799.

The exordium of this difcourfe, on Coloff. ii, 8, afferts the clofe connection between philofophy and theology; laments the jealoufies and rivalfhip which have fprung up betwixt them; maintains the use and neceffity of reafon in judging of matters of faith; that "true religion is true philofophy; and found philofophy, as far as its doctrines extend, is found religion." P. 4. The words of the text are affirmed to have, in the original, a peculiarity which appears to render the caution they inculcate, very emphatical;-" take heed left any make a prey of you through philofophy and vain deceit," or more freely, and according to the Hebriaftic idiom, " through the vain deceit or filly deceptions of a fpurious philofophy." P. 5. The fubje&t matter is difpofed under two general heads: 1ft," the fallacy of the principles in vogue with fome modern philofophers and their disciples. And, 2ndly, the pernicious effects of fuch principles on the human mind, and on human fociety." P. 6. Under the first head, we find a just exhibition of the wickednefs and folly of that philofophy, which has filled the world with crimes and mifery. Warnings like the following have been frequently held forth, and can scarcely be too often repeated: Notwithstanding the falutary precautions of our legisla tute, and the vigorous exertions of administration, there is too much caufe to apprehend, that even now, the emiffaries of the Jacobin fect (for this is the name affumed by the new political fophifts) are fecretly bufy among us, misleading the ignorant, deceiving the fimple, buoying up the paflions of difappointed politicians, exciting the difcontented to fedition, and infecting unwary youth with the poison of their pernicious dogmas; which, being directly congenial with every corrupt principle in human nature, readily take hold of the untutored and polluted mind." P. 6. At pp. 16, &c. the preacher, with great force, fets forth the criterion for diftinguishing a true revelation from that which is either fpurious or corrupt. The fecond head of difcourfe is treated more briefly, and in a less striking, but in a fatisfactory manner.

The

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The inferences are, ift, that wife and good men, of every nation and religious perfuafion, fhould unite in vindicating the cause of true philosophy, and in fupporting the common intereft of all religion. That "the kings of the earth have at last seen their true intereft, in forming a powerful phalanx to oppofe to the progrefs of this destructive fyltem" (p. 31) is an affirmation not perfectly correct at the time it was made, and fubfequent events have very much failed to juftify it. 2ndly. That Christians of all denominations are called upon, in a peculiar manner, to unite with ardour in the common cause of religion. 3dly. That all guardians of public order, and all inftructors of mankind, are strongly urged to zealous affiduity in their feveral ftations. This very feafonable and ufeful Sermon is concluded by a quotation, enforcing fidelity and diligence in the paftoral office, from a pofthumous work of Dr. Gerard, the Paftoral Care*; which is ftrongly recommended to every minifter, and every candidate for the miniftry; and a just tribute is paid to the piety, learning, and amiable character of the author.

ART. 36. Obfervations on the Seventh Form of Roman Government, in a Letter to the Reverend Henry Kett, B. D. Author of Hiftory the Interpreter of Prophecy. 8vo. 55 PP. 1s. Butterworth. 1800.

In this well-written and well-argued tract, the opinion is combated which makes the Gothic Kings and Exarchs of Ravenna the seventh form of Roman Government. It is fo fuccefsfully combated, that we think the arguments urged against it unanswerable; and we are told, that the able writer on Prophecy, to whom this Letter is addreffed, has, in confequence of it, withdrawn his firft opinion, and, in the third edition of his work, has adopted the interpretation of his correfpondent. To our apprehenfion, this has been done rather too hastily+, for though an error has been removed, by difpoffeffing the Exarchs of Ravenna from this feventh place, the truth does not feem to have been fubftituted for it. The writer of this Letter confiders the Pope, from the time that he obtained the title of Univerfal Bishop (about A. D. 607) as the feventh head of the beaft; and as becoming the eighth, or Antichrift, when he affumed the right of depofing kings, and other enormous powers; which he places about the middle of the eighth century. But on this ftatement we should ask, what reference has the univerfal Bishopric to the power of Rome, as a form of its Government We are much more inclined to follow the fteps of the great Sir Ifaac

* In our Review, vol. xvi, p. 172, we noticed this work with much refpect; and if our critical career had begun fo far back as the year 1780, we should have commended very warmly two volumes of Sermons by Dr. Gerard, which we have read with great fatisfaction.

+ If actually done, for we have not ourselves confulted the 3d edition for it.

Newton,

Newton, who makes the Exarchate of Ravenna, the Kingdom of the Lombards, and the Dutchy of Rome the three kings or powers out of the ten, fubdued by him, who arofe after them (Dan. vii, 24). In confequence of which (as if to mark the connection with the prophecy) the Pope affumed three keys, and a triple crown. From the time then when he obtained the third of thefe Dominions, that over Rome itself (which was given by Charlemagne) he became properly the feventh head or form of Roman Government, which was to continue" a fhort space," (Rev. xvii. 11.) being fucceeded quickly by the eighth, which is the fame Pope, in all the plenitude of his antichriftian power. This interpre tation will be found, we conceive, on due examination, the most found, and moft truly coincident, with the circumstances of prophecy and history.

This fenfible and pious author, a Layman, as he figns himself, seems by his extraordinary praises of Archibald Bower (at p. 20) never to have heard of the complete detection of that man, by the prefent Bishop of Salisbury; or to have fome private reafon, which he does not affign, for thinking it not decifive against his character for fincerity. We must also object to him the Gallic word ifolated (p. 39). A remarkable error of the prefs fhould be corrected in p. 45, I. 2, where Charlemagne is printed for Conftantine, which the hiftory and the context frongly demand.

POLITICS.

ART. 37. Obfervations on the Commercial Principles of the projected Union; or a free Examination of the Sixth Refolution, being the only one that touches upon Commerce, and carrying a direct Commiffion to appropriate Ireland, and for ever, as a confuming Colony to the British Manufacturer. 8vo. 66 pp. 25. Pitkeathly. 1800.

So numerous have been the publications on the Union with Ireland, that, although we bestowed on them a confiderable share of our time and attention, we have not been able to examine all before the measure in question was completed. Those which remain cannot therefore occupy fo large a fpace as might otherwife have been affigned to them.

The object of the tract now before us, is chiefly what is defcribed in the title-page; but, as an introduction to his argument, the author begins by calling in queftion both the liberality of Great Britain, in the various extenfions given to the trade of Ireland, and alfo the fuppofed advantages arifing from fuch extenfions. So far as we can collect the drift of his arguments (obfcured as they are, by a cloud of abufive language and miferable jefts, on the conduct of Great Britain) the writer means to affert, that Ireland having then but few manufactures, the opening of its ports to foreign trade was ufelefs. But may it not be afked, in return, whether a better encouragement can be given to improvement in manufactures, than by giving to thofe manufactures a

general

general and eafy vent? He next objects to the equalizing duties on the importation of colonial produce, and ftates, that tobacco and fugar become thereby dearer to the Irish confumer than before, when they were imported folely through Great Britain; but he seems to think it no anfwer, that this equalization was neceflary to prevent fmuggling, and that the increafed prices, arifing from duties paid by the British confumers, can but increase the expence to Ireland in a proportionate degree to that of Britain. This increase of expence may, although the kingdom be richer, fall equally heavy on individual confumers in both countries. In this fpirit, his preliminary remarks are written. The Sixth Refolution on the Union is difcuffed in the fame candid manner. The author ridicules the first part, which gives the Irish the fame privileges, in British ports, and as to foreign powers, with the subjects of Great Britain. This, he intimates, they already enjoyed. But admit ting that they enjoyed them in fact (although, if we mistake not, it is not long fince doubts were raifed on this fubject by the Portugueze government) yet, in laying down the principles of fo folemn a treaty, where could be the impropriety of ilating, that this important, though not wholly new advantage, would be folemnly and permanently fecured? The fecond claufe, he admits, is feemingly favourable to Ireland; and, to our apprehenfion, he fails in proving that it is really not fo. To fay the leaft, it converts an implied and precarious indulgence to the linen trade, into an exprefs national pledge for its freedom and encouragement. The third claufe, on the establishment of equal duries, conttitutes, the author tells us, "a reciprocity with a Devil to it.” What a reciprocity may be, with fuch an agreea le appendage, we cannot pretend to decide. But this writer, ever ferule in comparisons, affimilates this conduct to that of a Blackleg, offering to run the Crack horfe of Newmarket, aged, the four mile courfe, against the Irish Filly two years old, never in training, and at 12 ftone. Elegant as this comparifon is, we cannot help thinking that it has one small defect, namely, that of being wholly inapplicable to the point at iffue. Ireland may not, at the very first moment, be able to avail herself in a great degree of the ftipulated advantage; but to fuppofe a nation, whofe trade and manufactures are fo much upon the increafe, must ever, and in every article, be overpowered by the fuperior fkill and capital of the fifter kingdom, is to conclude that the aged horse mutt neceffarily be an overmatch for the Filly, not only at firft, but during every year of their future lives.

66

In lieu of the plan detailed in the Sixth Refolution, the writer propofes a fyftem of protecting duties for fifteen years; the objection to which he ftates, and does not, in our opinion, fufficiently obviate. At all events, it should feem, in that period the increafing industry, fkill, and capital of Ireland, will (even according to this writer) have time to operate, and produce beneficial effects. We have not space fufficient to difcufs all the reft of the author's arguments; and, indeed, as affecting the Union, they are now become ufelefs. On the general policy of the commercial part of the meafure, we would refer the reader to the able fpeeches of Mr. Douglas and Lord Auckland. The writer before us, though not wanting in knowledge, feems to us to

.

take a very partial and limited view of the queftion. His language is, as indeed he himself admits, coarfe; and his general manner difgufting.

ART. 38. France after the Revolution of Bonaparte, on the 8th of November, 1799. Haftily tranflated from a French Pamphlet, intituled "Les Adieux à Bonaparte." 8vo. 56 pp. 25. Wright. 1800.

This tranflation, though faid to have been haftily executed, is certainly performed with fpirit; and the original has alfo been reprinted here, for the ufe of thofe who are competent to the perufal. It appears to be the chief object of the author, to fhow that popular as the ufurpation of Bonaparte may have appeared on the outfet, it could not, in the nature of things, become firmly established; that it promifed not either external or internal peace; and that the conduct most advisable, even for Bonaparte himfelf, is to restore the French monarchy. The reader fhould be told, that this tract was published early in the year 1800, and confequently that the picture here drawn, of the flourishing ftate of the powers allied againft France, is unfortunately not applicable to the present fituation of affairs. Almoft every occurrence fince that period has favoured the Ufurper's views, and tended to prolong his dominion. Yet many of this writer's fpeculations ftill appear jutt, and his conjectures probable. He fhows clearly, we think, that Bonaparte could not, when he affumed the reigns of government, have inrended the reftoration of royalty, ftill lefs the establishment of a free republic; but that, although he is far from having any defign of restoring the monarchy, the opinions of men incline, and every circumftance tends to that defirable event. Though the activity and good fortune of the Conful have hitherto baffled the fpeculations of this writer, they are apparently fo well-warranted by the circumftances of the last revolution in France, and founded on fo juft an infight into human nature, that we are of opinion that the ultimate iffue of the revolution will yet confirm them. We therefore recommend this tract, as one of the most interesting which the late ufurpation of Bonaparte has produced.

ART. 39. The Catholic Question confidered: in a Letter addressed to the Editor of the Anti-Jacobin Review and Magazine. Svo. 52 pp. 15. Booker. 1800.

In an Advertisement prefixed to this tract, we are told it was originally written for infertion in the Anti-Jacobin Magazine and Review; but having been confiderably extended fince, is now fubmitted to the public in the form of a pamphlet. It was occafioned by the obfervations that appeared in that Review, on the pamphlet intitled "Legal Arguments, &c. on the Exclufion of the Roman Catholic Nobility and Gentry in both Kingdoms from Parliament." We have already given our opinion (fo far as the fubject required) on the arguments contained in that work. The writer now before us (who pro

Brit, Crit, vol. xv, p. 202.

bably