These pleasing connections might have con- | lately felt the generous glow of mutual confi tinued; these delightsome prospects might have dence and love, now burn with jealousy and been every day extended; and even the reve-rage. ries of the most warm imagination might have been realized; but, unhappily for us, unhappily for Britain, the madness of an avaricious minister of state, has drawn a sable curtain over the charming scene, and in its stead has brought upon the stage, discord, envy, hatred and revenge, with civil war close in their rear. Some demon, in an evil hour, suggested to a short-sighted financier the hateful project of transferring the whole property of the king's subjects in America, to his subjects in Britain. | The claim of the British Parliament to tax the colonies, can never be supported but by such a transfer; for the right of the House of Commons of Great Britain to originate any tax or grant money, is altogether derived from their being elected by the people of Great Britain to act for them; and the people of Great Britain cannot confer on their representatives a right to give or grant any thing which they themselves have not a right to give or grant personally. Therefore, it follows, that if the members chosen by the people of Great Britain to represent them in Parliament, have, by virtue of their being so chosen, any right to give or grant American property, or to lay any tax upon the lands or persons of the colonists, it is because the lands and people in the colonies are, bona fide, owned by and justly belonging to the people of Great Britain. But (as has been before observed), every man has a right to personal freedom; consequently a right to enjoy what is acquired by his own labor. And it is evident that the property in this country has been acquired by our own labor; it is the duty of the people of Great Britain to produce some compact in which we have explicitly given up to them a right to dispose of our persons or property. Until this is done, every attempt of theirs, or of those whom they have deputed to act for them, to give or grant any part of our property, is directly repugnant to every principle of reason and natural justice. But I may boldly say that such a compact never existed, no, not even in imagination. Nevertheless, the representatives of a nation long famed for justice and the exercise of every noble virtue, have been prevailed on to adopt the fatal scheme; and although the dreadful consequences of this wicked policy have already shaken the empire to its centre, yet still it is persisted in. Regardless of the voice of reason; deaf to the prayers and supplications; and unaffected with the flowing tears of suffering millions, the British ministry still hug the darling idol; and every rolling year affords fresh instances of the absurd devotion with which they worship it. Alas! how has the folly, the distraction of the British councils, blasted our swelling hopes, and spread a gloom over this western hemisphere. The hearts of Britons and Americans, which Though but of yesterday, I recollect (deeply affected at the ill-boding change) the happy hours that passed whilst Britain and America rejoiced in the prosperity and greatness of each other. Heaven grant those halcyon days may soon return! But now the Britor too often looks on the American with an envious eye, taught to consider his just plea for the enjoyment of his earnings, as the effect of pride and stubborn opposition to the parent country. Whilst the American beholds the Briton as the ruffian, ready first to take away his property, and next, what is still dearer to every virtuous man, the liberty of his country. When the measures of administration had disgusted the colonies to the highest degree, and the people of Great Britain had, by artifice and falsehood, been irritated against America, an army was sent over to enforce submission to certain acts of the British Parliament, which reason scorned to countenance, and which placemen and pensioners were found unable to support. Martial law, and the government of a wellregulated city, are so entirely different, that it has always beer considered as improper to quarter troops in populous cities; frequent disputes must necessarily arise between the citizen and the soldier, even if no previous animosities subsist. And it is further certain, from a consideration of the nature of mankind, as well as from constant experience, that standing armies always endanger the liberty of the subject. But when the people, on the one part, considered the army as sent to enslave them, and the army, on the other, were taught to look on the people as in a state of rebellion, it was but just to fear the most disagreeable consequences. Our fears, we have seen, were but too well grounded." The many injuries offered to the town, I pass over in silence. I cannot now mark out the path which led to that unequalled scene of horror, the sad remembrance of which takes the full possession of my soul. The sanguinary theatre again opens itself to view. The baleful images of terror crowd around me; and discontented ghosts, with hollow groans, appear to solemnize the anniversary of the fifth of March. Approach we then the melancholy walk of death. Hither let me call the gay companion; here let him drop a farewell tear upon that body which so late he saw vigorous and warm with social mirth; hither let me lead the tender mother to weep over her beloved son-come, widowed mourner, here satiate thy grief; behold thy murdered husband gasping on the ground, and to complete the pompous show of wretchedness, bring in each hand thy infant children to bewail their father's fate-take heed, ye orphan babes, lest, whilst your streaming eyes are fixed upon the ghastly corpse, your feet slide on the stones bespattered with your as our allegiance; we must defend it against the attacks of friends as well as enemies; we cannot suffer even Britons to ravish it from us. No longer could we reflect with generous pride, on the heroic actions of our American forefathers; no longer boast our origin from that far-famed island, whose warlike sons have so often drawn their well-tried swords to save her from the ravages of tyranny; could we, but for a moment, entertain the thought of giving our liberty. The man who meanly will submit to wear a shackle, contemns the noblest gift of heaven, and impiously affronts the God that made him free. father's brains!* Enough; this tragedy need It was a maxim of the Roman people, which eminently conduced to the greatness of that state, never to despair of the commonwealth. The maxim may prove as salutary to us now, as it did to them. Short-sighted mortals see not the numerous links of small and great events, which form the chain on which the fate of kings and nations is suspended. Ease and prosperity, though pleasing for a day, have often sunk a people into effeminacy and sloth. Hardships and dangers, though we for ever strive to shun them, have frequently called forth such virtues as have commanded the applause and reverence of an admiring world. Our coun But pity, grief, astonishment, with all the softer movements of the soul, must now give way to stronger passions. Say, fellow-citizens, what dreadful thought now swells your heaving bosoms; you fly to arms-sharp indignation flashes from each eye-revenge gnashes her iron teeth-death grins a hideous smile, secure to drench his greedy jaws in human gore-try whilst hovering furies darken all the air! honorable scars of wounds received, whilst fighting for your king and country. loudly calls you to be circumspect, vigilant, active and brave. Perhaps, (all gracious heaven But stop, my bold, adventurous countrymen; avert it,) perhaps, the power of Britain, a na stain not your weapons with the blood of Brit- tion great in war, by some malignant influence, ons. Attend to reason's voice; humanity puts may be employed to enslave you; but let not in her claim, and sues to be again admitted to even this discourage you. Her arms, 'tis true, her wonted seat, the bosom of the brave. Re- have filled the world with terror; her troops verge is far beneath the noble mind. Many, have reaped the laurels of the field; her fleets perhaps, compelled to rank among the vile as- have rode triumphant on the sea; and when, sassins, do from their inmost souls detest the or where, did you, my countrymen, depart inbarbarous action. The winged death, shot from glorious from the field of fight? You too can your arms, may chance to pierce some breast show the trophies of your forefathers' victories that bleeds already for your injured country. and your own; can name the fortresses and batThe storm subsides a solemn pause ensues-tles you have won; and many of you count the you spare-upon condition they depart. They go-they quit your city-they no more shall give offence. Thus closes the important drama. And could it have been conceived that we again should have seen a British army in our land, sent to enforce obedience to acts of Parliament destructive of our liberty? But the royal ear, far distant from this western world, has been assaulted by the tongue of slander; and villains, traitorous alike to king and country, have prevailed upon a gracious prince to clothe his countenance with wrath, and to erect the hostile banner against a people ever affectionate and loyal to him and his illustrious predecessors of the House of Hanover. Our streets are again filled with armed men; our harbor is crowded with ships of war; but these cannot intimidate us; our liberty must be preserved; it is far dearer than life-we hold it even dear After Mr. Gray had been shot through the body, and had fallen dead on the ground, a bayonet was pushed through nis skull; part of the bone being broken, his brains fell out apon the pavement, Where justice is the standard, heaven is the warrior's shield: but conscious guilt unnerves the arm that lifts the sword against the innocent. Britain, united with these colonies by commerce and affection, by interest and blood, may mock the threats of France and Spain; may be the seat of universal empire. But should America, either by force, or those more dangerous engines, luxury and corruption, ever be brought into a state of vassalage, Britain must lose her freedom also. No longer shall she sit the empress of the sea; her ships no more shall waft her thunders over the wide ocean; the wreath shall wither on her temples; her weakened arm shall be unable to defend her coasts; and she, at last, must bow her venerable head to some proud foreigner's despotic rule. But if, from past events, we may venture to form a judgment of the future, we justly may expect that the devices of our enemies will but increase the triumphs of our country. I must indulge a hope that Britain's liberty, as | inhuman miscreant, who, to secure the loaves well as ours, will eventually be preserved by and fishes to himself, would breed a serpent to the virtue of America. destroy his children. The attempt of the British Parliament to raise a revenue from America, and our denial of their right to do it, have excited an almost universal inquiry into the right of mankind in general, and of British subjects in particular; the necessary result of which must be such a liberality of sentiment, and such a jealousy of those in power, as will, better than an adamantine wall, secure us against the future approaches of despotism. But, pardon me, my fellow-citizens, I know you want not zeal or fortitude. You will maintain your rights, or perish in the generous struggle. However difficult the combat, you never will decline it when freedom is the prize. An independence of Great Britain is not our aim. No, our wish is, that Britain and the colonies may, like the oak and ivy, grow and increase in strength together. But whilst the infatuated plan of making one part of the empire slaves The malice of the Boston port-bill has been to the other is persisted in, the interests and defeated, in a very considerable degree, by giv- safety of Britain, as well as the colonies, require ing you an opportunity of deserving, and our that the wise measures, recommended by the brethren in this and our sister colonies, an honorable the Continental Congress, be steadopportunity of bestowing those benefactions ily pursued; whereby the unnatural contest bewhich have delighted your friends and aston-tween a parent honored and a child beloved, ished your enemies, not only in America, but in may probably be brought to such an issue, as Europe also. And what is more valuable still, that the peace and happiness of both may be esthe sympathetic feelings for a brother in dis-tablished upon a lasting basis. But if these patress, and the grateful emotions, excited in the breast of him who finds relief, must for ever endear each to the other, and form those indissoluble bonds of friendship and affection, on which the preservation of our rights so evidently depend. The mutilation of our charter has made every other colony jealous for its own; for this, if once submitted to by us, would set on float the property and government of every British settlement upon the continent. If charters are not deemed sacred, how miserably precarious is every thing founded upon them! Even the sending troops to put these acts in execution, is not without advantage to us. The exactness and beauty of their discipline inspire our youth with ardor in the pursuit of military knowledge. Charles the Invincible taught Peter the Great the art of war. The battle of Pultowa convinced Charles of the proficiency Peter had made. cific measures are ineffectual, and it appears that the only way to safety is through fields of blood, I know you will not turn your faces from your foes, but will, undauntedly, press forward, until tyranny is trodden under foot, and you have fixed your adored goddess liberty, fast by a Brunswick's side, on the American throne. You then, who have nobly espoused your country's cause, who generously have sacrificed wealth and ease; who have despised the pomp and show of tinselled greatness; refused the summons to the festive board; been deaf to the alluring calls of luxury and mirth; who have forsaken the downy pillow, to keep your vigils by the midnight lamp for the salvation of your invaded country, that you might break the fowler's snare, and disappoint the vulture of his prey-you then will reap that harvest of renown which you so justly have deserved. Your country shall pay her grateful tribute of de-applause. Even the children of your most inveterate enemies, ashamed to tell from whom they sprang, while they, in secret, curse their stupid, cruel parents, shall join the general voice of gratitude to those who broke the fetters which their fathers forged. Our country is in danger, but not to be spaired of. Our enemies are numerous and powerful; but we have many friends, determining to be free, and heaven and earth will aid the resolution. On you depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important question, on which rest the happiness and liberty of millions yet unborn. Act worthy of yourselves. The faltering tongue of hoary age, calls on you to support your country. The lisping infant raises its suppliant hands, imploring defence against the monster slavery. Your fathers look from their celestial seats with smiling approbation on their sons, who boldly stand forth in the cause of virtue; but sternly frown upon the Having redeemed your country, and secured the blessing to future generations, who, fired by your example, shall emulate your virtues, and learn from you the heavenly art of making millions happy; with heartfelt joy, with transports all your own, you cry, the glorious work is done; then drop the mantle to some young Elisha, and take your seats with kindred spirits in your native skies! JAMES WILSON. THE illustrious subject of this sketch holds a prominent position in the annals of America. more especially in those of Pennsylvania. He was born, some time in the year 1742, of respectable parents, who resided in the neighborhood of St. Andrews, in the lowlands of Scotland. After receiving an excellent classical education at the several universities of St. Andrews, Glasgow, and Edinburgh, he finished his studies in rhetoric and logic under the tuition of the worldrenowned Doctors Blair and Watts. Soon after the completion of these studies, he resolved to emigrate to America, and endeavor, by the proper exercise of his talents and industry, to realize that independence which his own country could not afford. Having landed at New York, he travelled to Philadelphia, which place he reached in the beginning of the year 1766. He was then about twenty-one years of age. Through the influence of letters of high recommendation he had brought to some of the eminent men of Philadelphia, among whom was Dr. Richard Peters, rector of Christ and St. Peter's churches, he was appointed an usher in the college of that city, in which position he remained but a few months. Subsequently he commenced the study of law in the office of the celebrated John Dickinson, and after two years of serious and laborious application, he was admitted to practice, and settled in Reading, Pennsylvania. Soon after he removed to Carlisle, in the same State, where he became eminent in his profession, and acquired considerable practice. At this place an inci dent occurred, which gave him a high place in the estimation of the first men of the province, and also gained him great celebrity as an advocate. An important land cause, between the proprietaries of Pennsylvania and one Samuel Wallace, an extensive land dealer, came on for trial in one of the county courts. Mr. Wilson was retained by the latter, and Mr. Chew, the attorney-general, appeared for the proprietaries. It was particularly noticed by the persons in court, that the attorney-general fixed his eyes upon Mr. Wilson soon after he commenced his argument, and gazed at him with wonder and admiration until he had concluded. So successfully did he manage the cause, that his associates thought it needless to add to his remarks. Before the close of the session of the court, he was retained in another similar cause; and his standing at the bar was thereafter prominent and unalterable. While a resident of Carlisle, he was chosen a colonel of a regiment of militia, and the public stores at that place were committed to his care; but he never was in active service. Mr. Wilson seems to have inherited a propensity for speculation from his father, who, it appears, was "continually led on by the bright promises of adventures, and was a constant pecuniary sufferer." Notwithstanding the extensive support and patronage he received from the public, he frequently became embarrassed by the unfortunate terminations of his speculations, and suffered the severest privations. Yet in the midst of these sufferings, it was his constant care to remit the little he could spare to his mother in Scotland, who had been left in limited circumstances on the death of her husband. To the day of her death, he manifested an earnest and commendable solicitude for her comfort, and used every method in his power to alleviate her wants and smooth her downward path to the tomb. When the British ministry commenced its oppressions, the political career of Mr. Wilson began. Although a Scotchman by birth, he was American in his principles. He wrote freely and powerfully in favor of American rights, and never swerved from his zealous attachment to the cause of the colonists. A few months previous to the meeting of the Continental Congress in 1774, he was a member of the provincial convention of Pennsylvania, which had convened to concert plans to redress the wrongs imposed upon the colonies. During the session of this convention he exhibited such splendid talents and lofty patriotism, that he was nominated a delegate to the national assembly, with his old law teacher, John Dickinson. His appointment was strongly opposed by Joseph Galloway,* who had long been a bitter opponent, and he was defeated; but on the sixth of May of the next year (1775), he was elected and took his seat. He continued in the Congress until September, 1777, when by the intrigues and machinations of his political enemies he was superseded. About this period he removed from Carlisle to Annapolis, Maryland, where he remained but one year, after which he returned to Philadelphia, which place thereafter became his permanent abode. On the fifth of June, 1779, Mr. Gerard, the first minister plenipotentiary from France, appointed Mr. Wilson advocate-general of the French nation in the United States. Congress was notified of his appointment on the fifteenth of September, of the same year, and on the eighteenth of February, 1781, the King of France issued letters patent confirming it. The duties of this office Mr. Wilson fulfilled to the satisfaction of the king, and at the close of his service he was rewarded by that monarch with ten thousand livres. Notwithstanding his eminent services to the colonies, Mr. Wilson became the object and victin of political intrigue. His enemies charged him with opposing the Declaration of Independence, but the fact of his signing that instrument shows the sincerity of his attachment to the best interests of the colonists, however he may have manifested that sincerity before the declaration. In the year 1779, the life of Mr. Wilson was put in great danger by a band of heated partisans, under the pretext of his holding sentiments inimical to popular institutions. At that time party spirit in Pennsylvania had taken a consistency, and politicians were divided into constitutionalists and republicans. The first adhered to the constitution already formed, which was reprobated by the others for its total deficiency in checks and counterbalancing powers, thence tending, as it was alleged, to rash and oppressive proceedings. The term republicans was embraced as recognizing the principles of the revolution, and as indicative, perhaps, of tenets, which admitted the utility of modifications and restraints in a system resting upon the broad basis of general suffrage and popular sovereignty. Mr. Wilson was one of the leaders of the republican party, and through the artful designs of his opponents in the constitutional party, he had become particularly obnoxious. He was charged in his professional character with defending tories, and befriending the foes to the principles on which the opposition to the claims of Great Britain was founded. The affair of "Fort Wilson," as his house was thereafter denominated, arose from this opinion, of which those who designed that transaction took advantage for party purposes. About the middle of September, 1779, a committee, appointed at a town meeting, regulated the prices of rum, salt, sugar, coffee, flour, &c.—a measure which was strongly opposed by the importers. Robert Morris, Blair McClenachen, John Willcocks, and a number of other stanch whigs, had a quantity of these articles in their stores, which they refused to dispose of at the regulated prices. About the last of the month, a great number of the lower class from the city and liberties collected, and marched through the city, threatening to break open the stores, distribute the goods, and punish those who refused to open their warehouses. On the morning of the 4th of October, placards were posted, menacing Robert Morris, Blair McClenachan, and many others: Mr. Wilson was proscribed by the mobility, for having exercised his professional Joseph Galloway was a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly in 1764, and after having been speaker of that body for several sessions, he was appointed a delegate to the Congress of 1774. He afterwards deserted the American cause, joining the British at New York, in December, 1776, and remained with the army till June, 1778. In 1779 he was examined before the House of Commons on the transactions in America, and his representations did not add much to the eredit of the British officers. He was the author of several important papers relative to the revolutionary war. His defection was very severely commented on by his friends, whose cause he had deserted. Stiles, in his manuscript diary, under the date of October 1st, 1775, says: "Mr. Galloway has also fallen from a great height into contempt and infamy; but he never was entirely confided in as a thorough son of liberty." He died at London in 1803. |