Will it be said, that there is a security to the freedom of mankind from the moderation with which this enormous power is to be exercised? Vain delusion! This power is not the result of accident. At the moment when France dethroned her sovereign, it was easy to foresee that a contest must ensue, in which her existence would be staked against the empire of the world. If not conquered by surrounding princes, (and the hope of such conquest, unless by the aid of her own citizens, was idle,) her numerous armies, acquiring discipline, must eventually conquer. She had the advantages of situation, and those which result from union, opposed to councils uncertain and selfish. It was easy also to foresee, that, in the same progress of events, some fortunate soldier would seat himself on the vacant throne: for the idea of a French republic was always a ridiculous chimera. Bonaparte has placed himself at the head of that nation by deeds which cast a lustre on his name. In his splendid career, he must proceed. When he ceases to act, he will cease to reign. Whenever in any plan he fails, that moment he falls. He is condemned to magnificence. To him are forbidden the harmonies and the charities of social life. He commands a noble and gallant nation passionately fond of glory. That nation stimulates him to glorious enterprise, and because they are generous and brave, they ensure his success. Thus the same principle presents at once the object and the means. Impelled by imperious circumstances, he rules in Europe, and he will rule here also, unless by vigorous exertion you set a bound to his power. Having thus cast a rapid glance on the general state of Europe, it remains to look particularly at the condition of England and Spain, so far as they may be affected by the cession of those provinces to France. England will see in it an increase of commerce and naval force for her rival. She will see imminent danger to her islands, and particularly to Jamaica. The climate of Pensacola has already been noticed. The position is of incalculable moment. During the sickly and hurricane season, fleets and armies may wait there in safety, till their enemy shall be enfeebled and unprotected. Where will the British fleets and armies be stationed with equal advantage? If they ask an asylum in your ports, you must refuse; for, should you listen to any such proposition, your kindness would be considered as a hostile aggression. The influence of France on the United States, which has already been noticed, will give double weight to her representations. And this very influence is among the effects which Britain must deprecate. I have not time to dwell on this subject, nor many others as fully as I ought. The condition of Spain is not less worthy of notice. No two nations on earth have more rooted hatred for each other than France and Spain. There are none more different in essential points of character. United, however, under sovereigns of the same family, these antipathies were wearing away. But the fatal stroke which destroyed the French monarch has severed that band. Force has since produced not union, but submission. It is not in nature, that the Spanish king should foster kindly sentiments for him who has decked himself in the spoil of his house. The proud, the brave and the loyal Castilian groans under the yoke which galls him, but which he cannot break, and sickens at the recollection of his ancient glory. His deep resentments are known, and it is to prevent their effects that he has been compelled to make the cession of those provinces. France will then hold at her discretion the Spanish treasures, and the rich provinces of the new world. At the first symptom of hostile sentiment, she arrests the means of aggression. Thus the dependence of Spain is rendered absolute, and her chains are riveted for ever. Does Spain behold this state of things with calm indifference? No: she feels all the pangs of wounded pride, driven to the necessity of perpetuating its own humiliation. A few words, after what has already been said, will suffice to show the importance of those provinces to France. This results from the influence on her rival, on Spain, and on the United States, by means of the position, the resources and the means of aggression which those provinces afford. Enough has been said of the position. The resources are great and increasing. Not only cotton and indigo will be furnished for her manufactures, but supplies and subsistence for her colonies and her troops. These resources, too, will be at the very point most important, both for defence and aggression. The same force will be ready to operate either against England, Spain, or America. Thus that force will be tripled in its moral effect, and influence alike the conduct of all against whom it may be directed. To what has been said on the facility with which we may be assailed, I might add much, but it is unnecessary. It behoves us, however, to consider well the spirit of the French government, which, in all its changes, has never lost sight of this object. The French minister M. de la Luzerne, when Congress were deliberating on the ultimata for peace, obtained a resolution that our ministers should, as to our western boundary, treat under the dictation of France. Our ministers disdained the condition, and refused to obey. Their manly conduct obtained for you the countries, whose fate is now suspended on your deliberations. Never, no never, has France lost sight of Louisiana. Never for a moment has she been blind to its importance. Those, who, driven from her bosom into exile, wandered about among us, have gathered and communicated the fullest information. While they enjoyed your hospitality, they probed your weakness, and meditated the means of controlling your conduct. Whatever may be the fair ap pearances, rely on it, that every Frenchman bears with him every where, a French heart; and so he ought. I honor him for it. O, that | ing armies become necessary. Without an im Americans had always an American heart. posing military force, the inhabitants of the It remains to notice the advantage of this western country will be in such immediate dancountry to the United States, as it may relate ger, that they must league with a neighbor who to our power, our peace, our commerce, and will have every thing to offer, and from whom above all, to our freedom. As to our power, they will have every thing to fear. This will something has already been said on the peace- lead to the worst of all wars, to civil war. ful influence, which results from the depend- And when that shall happen, liberty will soon ence of colonies belonging to the great nations be lost. The army, which has defeated one of Europe: add to this, that the product of half the nation, will easily lend itself to enslave those colonies must pass by our doors and be the other. Such is the history, and such will exposed to our cruisers. A further advantage ever be the fate of man. In this view, then, is to be found in the ready means of invasion, above all others, is that possession most prein concert with the troops of others, if driven cious. When it is in our hands, we need no to the necessity of war. The possession of standing army. We can turn our whole attenpower will give us, not only security, but peace. tion to naval defence, which gives complete Peace indeed can never be safe but by the aid security, both at home and abroad. When we of power. Our disposition is pacific. It is our have twenty ships of the line at sea, (and there interest to be at peace, and the form of our is no good reason why we should not have government, while it secures to us the enjoy- them,) we shall be respected by all Europe. ment of as much liberty as is possible, renders | The sense of security resulting from such force, it particularly imprudent to risk, in war, any must give a new spring to industry and increase change of the constitution. Grant us these the stock of national wealth. The expense, provinces, and we can dictate the conditions of compared with the benefit, is moderate, nay our commerce with the islands. Possessed of trifling. And let me here say one word as to them, it will be doubly lucrative, and without | national expense. Sir, whatever sums are nethem, wholly uucertain. There is another cessary to secure the national independence, stream of profitable trade which will then flow must be paid. They will not amount to one in our channels. The risk and difficulty which half of what it must cost us to be subdued. If we Spain experiences in bringing home her trea- will not pay to be defended, we must pay for sures, when she is at war, will naturally sug-being conquered. There is no medium, and gest the advantage of remitting them through this country. The produce of the Mexican mines may then be shipped directly to Asia. It will be paid for to Spain by bills on the commercial nations, and thus furnish to her the easy means of obtaining the supplies she may Having now considered in its, various relastand in need of. The bullion will be so much tions, the importance of these provinces, the the more valuable, as the danger and expense way is open to estimate our chance of obtaining of transportation are diminished. This, there- them by negotiation. Let me ask, on what fore, would have a beneficial result upon the ground you mean to treat. Do you expect to whole commercial world. It would more espe- persuade? Do you hope to intimidate? If to cially emancipate Spain from her present thral-persuade, what are your means of persuasion? dom. It would give a happy change to all her interior administration, and increase both her absolute and relative force. Let me say here, that it is our interest to preserve the authority of Spain over her American territory. We have enough of our own. We can have no wish to extend our dominions. We want men, not land. We are, therefore, the natura. and the safe guardians of Spain. On us she may rely with perfect confidence. We can derive from that commerce, which it is her interest to permit, all the advantage we ought to ask for. But great as are the benefits which will result from the possession of the Floridas and New Orleans, great as is their tendency to advance our power, secure our peace, and extend our commerce, there is a consideration, in comparison with which, commerce, peace and power, are of but slight avail. These provinces will fortify the defences of our freedom. My honorable colleague has stated to you his apprehensions of standing armies. And yet, sir, if we be not possessed of this territory, stand but the single alternative. In the proper expenditure for defence, therefore, is true economy; and every pitiful saving, inconsistent with that object, is the worst, the most profligate profusion. Every gentleman admits the importance of this country. Think you the first consul, whose capacious mind embraces the globe, is alone ignorant of its value? Is he a child, whom you may win by a rattle to comply with your wishes? Will you, like a nurse, sing to him a lullaby? If you have no hope from fondling attentions and soothing sounds, what have you to offer in exchange? Have you any thing to give which he will take? He wants power: you have no power. He wants dominion: you have no dominion; at least none that you can grant. He wants influence in Europe. And have you any influence in Europe? What, in . the name of heaven, are the means by which you would render this negotiation successful? Is it by some secret spell? Have you any magic power? Will you draw a circle and conjure up devils to assist you? Or do you rely on the charms of those beautiful girls with whom, the gentleman near me says, the French grenadiers are to incorporate? If so, why do you not send an embassy of women? Gentlemen talk of the principles of our government, as if they could | fatal to the peace of this country. But, sir, obtain for us the desired boon. But what will what is it we are to ask, the refusal of which these principles avail? When you inquire as to will justify war? Is it, as my honorable col the force of France, Austria, or Russia, do you league supposes, a mere restitution of a priviask whether they have a habeas corpus act, or a lege wrongfully taken away? Sir, I answer in trial by jury? Do you estimate their power, the words of the resolutions moved by my discuss their interior police? No! The ques- friend: "It does not consist with the dignity tion is, How many battalions have they? What of this country, to hold a right so important by train of artillery can they bring into the field? a tenure so uncertain." But the honorable How many ships can they send to sea? These member from Maryland has told us, that we are the important circumstances which com- need not cross the Atlantic to seek for prece mand respect and facilitate negotiation. Can dents, that we have enough on our own ar you display these powerful motives? Alas! chives; and he has had the goodness to menAlas! To all these questions you answer by tion our humble petitions presented to the king one poor word-confidence-confidence-con- of Great Britain, in 1775. We sent, says he, fidence-yea, verily, we have confidence. We petition after petition. I am sure that honorhave faith and hope: aye, and we have charity able member has no wish that a minister should too. Well-go to market with these Christian be sent to bear our humble petition to the footvirtues, and what will you get for them? Just stool of the first consul's throne. But, sir, nothing. Yet in the face of reason and expe- whether we treat or pray, it will end as it did rience, you have confidence: but in whom? in 1775, by war, unless we are determined to Why, in our worthy President. But he cannot give up that independence which we then fought make the treaty alone. There must be two to establish. Let us consider, a moment, the parties to a bargain. I ask if you have confi- natural course of this negotiation. It is the indence also in the first consul? But whither, in terest of France to foster in us a hope from the name of heaven, does this confidence lead, treaty, until she has put herself in a condition and to what does it tend? The time is precious. to frustrate all other hope. There can be no We waste, and we have already wasted mo- question, therefore, that she has avoided, and ments which will never return. You have al- will avoid a direct refusal. And as long as we ready tried negotiation. I say you have tried are content to accept of smooth speeches, genit, because I know you have a minister in eral assurances, vague assertions, and loose evaFrance, and I am sure the first magistrate of sions, we shall have no want of that court cur our country cannot have been so negligent as rency. But why, it may be said, has she not not to pay attention to a subject which is con- already taken possession? Because her original fessedly of such magnitude. You have, then, plans have been greatly deranged. St. Domingo negotiated and with what success? Why, in- presented obstacles unexpected, and that enterstead of defeating the cession, you have closed prise must not be abandoned; for though the the river. Instead of obtaining any advantage island may not in itself be of much consequence, by a new treaty, you have lost the benefit of though it must be ruined before it can be conan old one. Such are the results of your nego-quered, yet conquered it must be, for the world tiation in Europe. In this country, you have must continue to believe, that the first consul negotiated to get back the privilege you are cannot fail in what he has undertaken. Much robbed of: and what follows? A prohibition of his power rests on that opinion, and it must, to touch their shores. Instead of restoring the therefore, be maintained. But there are other rights of treaty, they cut you off from the rights incidents besides those of St. Domingo, which of humanity. Such is your splendid success have had the same tendency. There followed, from negotiation; and yet gentlemen tell us, on the general peace, a serious discussion of we must continue to negotiate. The honorable the German indemnities; then the affairs of member from Kentucky says, that great lengths Italy; lately of Switzerland; and during the are gone in inquiring into, and rectifying the whole momentous period, it was doubtful how irregular procedure. He tells us, a minister is far England would bear a continued invasion of just appointed, and it would, therefore, be in- the liberties of Europe. And it was evident, consistent to fight just now: that moreover it that should the war recommence with England, would degrade the President's authority, and the force sent to this country would be totally defeat his measures. The gentleman from Geor- lost. It was important, therefore, to gain time gia says, we have no right to go to war till and for that very reason, we should have in there shall be a refusal on the part of Spain; sisted on an immediate decision. Such, then, and my honorable colleague assures us, that if is the state of this treaty so fondly desired—a our wrongs are redressed by negotiation, we treaty, by which we are to ask much and offer can have no complaint. As to the lengths nothing-a negotiation, in which we have no which are gone, it is for those gentlemen to means to persuade. Have we any to intimiappreciate their value, who know what they date? Where is your public force? You have are. I profess my ignorance, and judging by none; and seem resolved not to have or use effects, must withhold my confidence. If we any. My honorable colleague tells us, that war must wait for a pointed refusal, before we do will increase our debt one hundred millions, ourselves right, I venture to predict a delay | and that our people are not fond of taxes. He says we are trying a new experiment to pay | Having endeavored to show, that we have no hope from treaty, it only remains to consider the natural effect of taking an immediate possession. Against this measure it has been said, that war, instead of giving relief, will absolutely shut up the Mississippi. That a single seventy-four in the mouth of that river would stop it effectually. I believe, sir, it would not only stop, but turn it; for a seventy-four would run aground and obstruct the channel. But what is the amount of these observations? The gentlemen all agree, that if they cannot obtain their object without war, they will fight for it. The mischief they deprecate must therefore arrive, unless there be a well grounded hope from treaty; and the only difference is, that they are willing to take a longer term of sufferance, because they have a stronger expectation of relief without the exertion of force. I have no such expectation. I shall, therefore, proceed to consider what will follow, if we take possession without a previous alliance with Britain, or with such an alliance. I have heard it urged in conversation, that such alliance should first be made, and, therefore, I think it proper to take up the subject in debate. I cannot, however, but remark on the different language now held, from that which we heard a year ago. Then it was the fashion to say, we had nothing to do with other nations. And when a man of plain sense observed, that this disposition was of little avail, because other nations would have something to do with us; and when the particular danger we now see was pointed out; oh! then, to be sure, there was nothing to apprehend from our dear sister republic! I censure no man for adopting other and wiser principles. I have no question, but that as gentlemen proceed in the business of government, they will see the folly of many other fanciful notions, but I must entreat them not to fly from one extreme to the other. I hesitate not to give my opinion, that we ought to take possession without consulting Great Britain. And having done so, let us declare to France, that we mean to live with her in perfect amity. Let us offer every assistance in our power to conquer and preserve St. Domingo. Let us show her, that we have done an act of mere defence. Let us prove our pacific disposition by declaring, that we are under the tie of no obligation to her rival. To Spain let us hold a similar language. Let us point out her present danger and demonstrate the utility of our possession. To both, let us offer to relinquish our claims for spoliations on our commerce and pay our own merchants. We can well afford to purchase with that price, a price paid to ourselves. Finally, if our representations do not produce the desired effect, let us tell them that we will ally ourselves to England, and aid in the conquest of all their American dominions. Sir, this language will be listened to. Rely on it, that, under such circumstances, neither France nor Spain dare send hither a single regiment or a single ship. The existence of the British naval force will alone produce all the effect you could ask from its operation. But what are we to hope from a delay until an alliance shall be made? What will be the stipulations of the treaty of alliance? These may be more or less onerous or pernicious. Certainly the British minister will not hazard the fate of his nation without the hope of some correspondent advantage. One stipulation is certain. We must agree to continue the war until a peace can be obtained by common consent: and this is precisely the stipulation which we ought not to make, if it can be avoided; because we shall then be no longer masters of our exterior relations. To this it may be objected, that we cannot expect aid from Britain without a previous treaty. I ask, what reliance you have for aid with treaty? The answer is, that it will be her interest. And, sir, it is her interest to give that aid without treaty. I have now gone through this tedious discussion. I have trespassed on your patience more than I wished, although, from the lateness of the hour, much has been omitted of what I ought to have said. I have endeavored to show, that, under the existing circumstances, we are now actually at war, and have no choice but manly resistance or vile submission; that the possession of this country by France is dangerous to other nations, but fatal to us; that it forms a natural and necessary part of our empire; that, to use the strong language of the gentleman near me, it is joined to us by the hand of the Almighty, and that we have no hope of obtaining it by treaty. If, indeed, there be any such hope, it must be by adopting the resolutions offered by my honorable friend. Sir, I wish for peace; I wish the negotiation may succeed, and therefore I strongly urge you to adopt these resolutions. But though you should adopt them, they alone will not insure success. I have no hesitation in saying, that you ought to have taken possession of New Orleans and the Floridas, the instant your treaty was violated. You ought to do it now. Your rights are invaded, confidence in negotiation is vain: there is, therefore, no alternative but force. You are exposed to imminent present danger: you have the prospect of great future advantage: you are justified by the clearest principles of right: you are urged by the strongest motives of policy: you are commanded by every sentiment of national dignity. Look at the conduct of America in her infant years. When there was no actual invasion of right, but only a claim to invade, she resisted the claim; she spurned the insult. Did we then hesitate? Did we then wait for foreign alliance? No-animated with the spirit, warmed with the soul of freedom, we threw our oaths of allegiance in the face of our sovereign, and committed our fortunes and our fate to the God of battles. We then were subjects. We had not then attained to the dignity of an independent republic. We then had no rank among the nations of the earth. But we had the spirit which deserved that elevated station. And now that we have gained it, shall we fall from our honor? Sir, I repeat to you that I wish for peace: real, lasting, honorable peace. To obtain and secure this blessing, let us, by a bold and decisive conduct, convince the powers of Europe that we are determined to defend our rights; that we will not submit to insult; that we will not bear degradation. This is the conduct which becomes a generous people. This conduct will command the respect of the world. Nay, sir, it may rouse all Europe to a proper sense of their situation. They see, that the balance of power, on which their liberties depend, is, if not destroyed, in extreme danger. They know that the dominion of France has been extended by the sword over millions who groan in the servitude of their new masters. These unwilling subjects are ripe for revolt. The empire of the Gauls is not, like that of Rome, secured by political institutions. It may yet be broken. But whatever may be the conduct of others, let us act as becomes ourselves. I cannot believe, with my honorable colleague, that three-fourths of America are opposed to vigorous measures. I cannot believe that they will meanly refuse to pay the sums needful to vindicate their honor and support their independence. Sir, this is a libel on the people of America. They will disdain submission to the proudest sovereign on earth. They have not lost the spirit of '76. But, sir, if they are so base as to barter their rights for gold, if they are so vile that they will not defend their honor, they are unworthy of the rank they enjoy, and it is no matter how soon they are parcelled out among better masters. My honorable friend from Pennsylvania, in opening this debate, pledged himself and his friends to support the executive government if they would adopt a manly conduct. I have no hesitation to renew that pledge. Act as becomes America, and all America will be united in your support. What is our conduct? Do we endeavor to fetter and trammel the executive authority? Do we oppose obstacles? Do we raise difficulties? No. We are willing to commit into the hands of the chief magistrate the treasure, the power and the energies of the country. We ask for ourselves nothing. We expect nothing. All we ask is for our country. And although we do not believe in the success of treaty, yet the resolutions we move, and the language we hold, are calculated to promote it. I have now performed, to the best of my power, the great duty which I owed to my country. I have given that advice which in my soul I believe to be the best. But I have little hope that it will be adopted. I fear that, by feeble counsels, we shall be exposed to a long and bloody war. This fear is, perhaps, illfounded, and if so I shall thank God that I was mistaken. I know that, in the order of his Providence, the wisest ends frequently result from the most foolish measures. It is our duty to submit ourselves to his high dispensations. I know that war, with all its misery, is not |