they have advanced, an elucidation of their positions, and the confirmation of that strong conclusion.

In order to bring this extensive subject within such bounds, as may enable us to take a distant view of its several parts, I shall consider, first, the existing state of things: secondly, the consequence to the United States of the possession of that country by France: thirdly, the consequence to other nations: fourthly, the im

the proudest prince on earth to blot or soil it. Millions would not purchase his honor, and will he feel less for the honor of his country? No, he will defend it with his best blood. He will feel with me, that our national honor is the best security for our peace and our prosperity: that it involves at once our wealth and our power. And in this view of the subject, I must contradict a sentiment which fell from my honorable colleague, Mr. Clinton. He tells us, that the principle of this country is peace and com-portance of it to France herself: fifthly, its immerce. Sir, the avowal of such principle will leave us neither commerce nor peace. It invites others to prey on that commerce, which we will not protect, and share the wealth we dare not defend. But let it be known, that you stand ready to sacrifice the last man, and the last shilling in defence of your national honor, and those, who would have assailed, will beware of you.

portance to the United States if possessed by them; and having thus examined the thing itself in its various relations, the way will be open to consider, sixthly, the effect of negotiation; and then, seventhly, the consequences to be expected from taking immediate possession.

Before I consider the existing state of things, let me notice what gentlemen have said in relation to it. The honorable member from KenBefore I go into a minute consideration of tucky has told us, that indeed there is a right this subject, I will notice what the gentlemen, arrested, but whether by authority or not, is opposed to me, have said on the law of nations. equivocal. He says the representative of Spain But I must observe, that, in a conjuncture like verily believes it to be an unauthorized act. My the present, there is more sound sense, and honorable colleague informs us, there has been more sound policy in the firm and manly senti- a clashing between the governor and the intenments, which warm the hearts of my friends dant. He says, we are told by the Spanish from Delaware, than in all the volumes upon minister it was unauthorized. Notwithstanding all the shelves of the civilians. Let us, how these assurances, however, my honorable colever, attend to the results of those logical de- league has, it seems, some doubts; but, neverductions which have been made by writers on theless, he presumes innocence; for my colleague the law of nations. The honorable member is charitable. The honorable member from from Kentucky, Mr. Breckenridge, has told us, Maryland goes further; he tells us the minister that sovereigns ought to show a sincere desire of Spain says, the intendant had no such auof peace, and should not hastily take offence; thority; and the minister of France too, says because it may be, that the offensive act was there is no such authority. Sir, I have all the result of mistake. My honorable colleague possible respect for those gentlemen, and every has told us, that among the justifiable causes proper confidence in what they may think of war, are the deliberate invasions of right, proper to communicate. I believe the Spanish and the necessity of maintaining the balance minister has the best imaginable disposition to of power. He has told us further, that at preserve peace; being indeed the express pur. tempts should always be made to obtain redress pose for which he was sent among us. I beby treaty, unless it be evident, that redress can- lieve it to be an object near to his heart, and not be so obtained. The honorable member which has a strong hold upon his affections. I from Georgia, near me, informs us, that the respect the warmth and benevolence of his feelthing we would obtain by war should be im-ings, but he must pardon me that I am deficient portant, and the success probable, and that war should be avoided until it be inevitable. The honorable member from Maryland, Mr. Wright, has explained to us the case cited by the gentleman from Kentucky, as being that of a wrong, done by a private citizen. Under the weight of all this authority, and concurring with gentlemen in these their positions, I shall take leave to examine the great question we are called on to decide. I shall moreover fully and entirely agree with the honorable member near me in another point. He has, with the usual rapidity of his mind, seized the whole object. He tells us, and he tells us truly, that the island of Orleans and the two Floridas are essential to this country. They are joined, says he, by God, and sooner or later we must and will have them. In this clear and energetic statement I fully agree; and the greater part of what I have to say, will be but a commentary on the doctrines

in courtly compliment; I am a republican, and cannot commit the interests of my country to the goodness of his heart.

What is the state of things? There has been a cession of the island of New Orleans and of Louisiana to France. Whether the Floridas have also been ceded is not yet certain. It has been said, as from authority, and I think it probable. Now, sir, let us note the time and the manner of this cession. It was at or immediately after the treaty of Luneville, at the first moment when France could take up a distant object of attention. But had Spain a right to make this cession without our consent? Gentlemen have taken it for granted that she had. But I deny the position. No nation has a right to give to another a dangerous neighbor without her consent. This is not like the case of private citizens, for there, when a man is injured he can resort to the tribunals for redress;

and yet, even there, to dispose of property to | with contempt; and through him our country one, who is a bad neighbor, is always consider- has been insulted. ed as an act of unkindness. But as between nations, who can redress themselves only by war, such transfer is in itself an aggression. He who renders me insecure, he who hazards my peace, and exposes me to imminent danger, commits an act of hostility against me, and gives me the rights consequent on that act. Suppose Great Britain should give to Algiers one of the Bahamas, and contribute thereby to establish a nest of pirates near your coasts, would you not consider it as an aggression? Suppose, during the late war, you had conveyed France a tract of land along the river Hudson and the northern route by the lakes into Canada, would not Britain have considered and treated it as an act of direct hostility? It is among the first limitations to the exercise of the rights of property, that we must so use our own as not to injure another; and it is under the immediate sense of this restriction that nations are bound to act toward each other.

With that meek and peaceful spirit, now so strongly recommended, we submitted to this insult, and what followed? That which might have been expected; a violation of our treaty -an open and direct violation by a public officer of the Spanish government. This is not the case cited from one of the books. It is not a wrong done by a private citizen; which might, for that reason, be of doubtful nature. No; it is by a public officer-that officer, in whose particular department it was to cause the faithful observance of the treaty which he has violated. We are told, indeed, that there was a clashing of opinion between the Governor and the Intendant. But what have we to do with their domestic broils? The injury is done, we feel it. Let the fault be whose it may, the suffering is ours. But, say gentlemen, the Spanish minister has interfered to correct this irregular procedure. Sir, if the Intendant was amenable to the minister, why did he not inBut it is not this transfer alone: there are form him of the step he was about to take, that circumstances, both in the time and in the the President of the United States might seamanner of it, which deserve attention. A gen- sonably have been apprised of his intention, tleman from Maryland, Mr. Wright, has told and given the proper notice to our fellow-citiyou, that all treaties ought to be published and zens? Why has he first learned this offensive proclaimed for the information of other nations. act from those who suffer by it? Why is he I ask, was this a public treaty? No. Was thus held up to contempt and derision? If the official notice of it given to the government of Intendant is to be controlled by the minister, this country? Was it announced to the Presi- would he have taken a step so important withdent of the United States, in the usual forms out his advice? Common sense will say no. of civility between nations who duly respect But, the bitter cup of humiliation was not yet each other? It was not. Let gentlemen con- full. Smarting under the lash of the Intentradict me if they can. They will say, perhaps, dant, the minister soothes you with kind assurthat it was the omission only of a vain and idle ances, and sends advice boats to announce your ceremony. Ignorance may, indeed, pretend, forbearance. But while they are on their way, that such communication is an empty compli- new injury and new insult are added. The Inment, which, established without use, may be tendant, as if determined to try the extent of omitted without offence. But this is not so. your meekness, forbids to your citizens all comIf these be ceremonies, they are not vain, but munication with those who inhabit the shores of serious import, and are founded on strong of the Mississippi. Though they should be reason. He who means me well, acts without starving, the Spaniard is made criminal who disguise. Had this transaction been intended should give them food. Fortunately, the wafairly, it would have been told frankly. But it ters of the river are portable, or else we should was secret because it was hostile. The first be precluded from the common benefits of naconsul, in the moment of terminating his differ-ture, the common bounty of heaven. ences with you, sought the means of future then, I ask, is the amount of this savage coninfluence and control. He found and secured duct? Sir, it is war-open and direct war. a pivot for that immense lever, by which, with And yet gentlemen recommend peace, and forpotent arm, he means to subvert your civil and bid us to take up the gauntlet of defiance. Will political institutions. Thus, the beginning was gentlemen sit here and shut their eyes to the made in deep hostility. Conceived in such state and condition of their country? I shall principles, it presaged no good. Its bodings not reply to what has been said respecting dewere evil, and evil have been its fruits. We predations on commerce, but confine myself to heard of it during the last session of Congress, objects, of which there can be no shadow of but to this hour we have not heard of any for- doubt. Here is a vast country given away, and mal and regular communication from those by not without danger to us. Has a nation a right whom it was made. Has the King of Spain- to put these States in a dangerous situation? has the First Consul of France, no means of No, sir. And yet it has been done, not only making such communication to the President without our consent previous to the grant, but of the United States? Yes, sir, we have a min- without observing the common forms of civilister in Spain; we have a minister in France. ity after it was made. Is that wonderful man, Nothing was easier, and yet nothing has been who presides over the destinies of France, done. Our first magistrate has been treated ignorant or unmindful of these forms?

What

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what was done the other day. He directed his | of collection will be increased. As to what re minister to communicate to the elector of Ba- gards your defence, it is evident, that the devaria, his intended movements in Switzerland, crease of your navigation and revenue, must and their object. He knew the elector had a narrow your means of defence. You cannot right to expect that information, although the provide the same force, either by land or by greater part of Swabia lies between his domin- sea; but the evil does not stop here. With ions and Switzerland. And this right is found- this country in your possession, you have means ed on the broad principles already mentioned. of defence more ample, more important, more As to the depredations on our commerce, easy, than any nation on earth. In a short they are numerous, and of great importance; time, all the West India Islands, fed from your but my honorable colleague has told us, our granaries, must depend on your will. And, in merchants are in a fair way of getting redress. consequence, all the powers of Europe, who I own, sir, I am surprised at this information, have colonies there, must court your friendwhich is, I presume, a state secret, communi- ship. Those rich sources of commercial imcated from the executive department. My portance will be, as it were, in your hands. honorable colleague, who is the pattern of dis- They will be pledges for the amity of others, in cretion, who was the monitor, and threatened seas and dominions far remote. It is a defence, to be the castigator of those, who, from treach- which, though it costs you nothing, is superior ery or weakness, might betray or divulge the to fleets and armies. But let the resources of secrets of the Senate, cannot possibly allude to America be divided, which must happen when any thing on our files. He has, therefore, re- the French are masters of New Orleans, and all ceived this information from some other quar- this power and influence are gone. One-half ter, and I feel myself much obliged by his kind of your resources will be in their hands, and communication. But he must pardon me, sir, they will laugh at your feeble attempts with that until it comes forward in some body, shape, the other half. It is the interest of this counor condition, which I can grasp, I am compelled try, that the possessions of European powers to withhold my faith. in the West Indies should be secured to them; and in this view of the subject, it is important that the Island of St. Domingo should be sub

Having thus examined the existent state of things, I proceed to consider the consequence to the United States, resulting from the pos-jected by France; it would, therefore, have session of that country by France. To this effect, I shall suppose the Floridas to be included in her newly acquired dominion, and shall state what I conceive to be the conduct which she will pursue. She will, I presume, consider herself as not bound by our treaty with Spain. Declaring this to the inhabitants of the western country, and repelling the claim of right, she will, as matter of favor, give them unlimited freedom of trade to and from New Orleans. At that place, she will eventually raise a considerable duty on exports, to pay the expense of her garrisons, and of the civil administration. But, to compensate this, she will probably give an exclusive privilege of commerce to her colonies, and obtain from Spain and Holland similar privileges. Under these circumstances, let us examine the general and particular consequences to this, our country.

The general consequences are those which affect our commerce, our revenue, our defence, and what is of more importance even than these, our union. Your commerce will suffer, because you will no longer hold the means of supplying the West India Islands, subject to your single control; and because all the export from New Orleans, being, of course, in French bottoms, your navigation will be proportionably diminished. Your revenue will suffer as much as your commerce. The extensive boundary of more than two thousand miles, will be stocked with goods for the purpose of contraband trade. The inhabitants will naturally take their supplies in that way. You must, therefore, multiply your revenue officers and their assistants, and while your receipt diminishes, the expense

been wise to have aided in that subjugation. There is, indeed, a special reason for it beyond the considerations of external policy. That event will give to your slaves the conviction, that it is impossible for them to become free. Men, in their unhappy condition, must be impelled by fear, and discouraged by despair. Yes-the impulsion of fear must be strengthened by the hand of despair! Consider, moreover, your condition in the wars which are most likely to happen. These must be either with France or England. If with France, your interior is ruined: if with England, the commerce of the Atlantic States will be distressed, and that of the western country too, though not perhaps in so great a degree. Thus let the war be with whichsoever of those nations it may, one-half of the United States must be peculiarly injured; and in all cases, it will be difficult for them to assist each other. The interior has no seamen for naval defence; the seaboard can send few, if any troops, beyond the mountains. This powerful influence of one nation on one great division of our country, and of another nation on the remainder, will tend to disunite us. The ridge of mountains will mark the line of distinct interests. The effect of those differing interests will be felt in your councils. It will find its way to this floor. This must be the case so long as man is man. Look, I pray, at those nations. enmity of France and England can terminate only by the subjection of one to the dominion of the other. It must be by the complete exertion of force, and the utter impossibility of resistance. They are the Rome and Carthage

The

of modern times. Their implacable spirit will | flow. The debts, incurred in the hope of adstimulate them to attempt a division of this vantageous sales, must remain unpaid. The country, by sentiments of hatred, deadly as distress of the debtor must then recoil on his their own. These efforts will, I hope, be vain; creditor, and, from the common relations of but with such powerful engines to operate on society, become general. the interest and the will, is there not danger to that union so essential to our prosperity? There will be a constant struggle in Congress as to the kind of public force which ought to be maintained. The one part will desire an army, the other a navy. The unyielding spirit of party, will, perhaps, prevent the support of either; leaving the nation completely defenceless, and thereby increasing the power of those who may influence or command our destinies. For, let it be remembered, that a nation without public force, is not an independent nation. In a greater or smaller degree, she will receive the law from others.

What will be the effect on the southern States? Georgia, Carolina, and the Mississippi territory are exposed to invasion from the Floridas and New Orleans. There are circumstances in that portion of America which render the invasion easy, and the defence difficult. Pensacola, though the climate be warm, is among the healthiest spots on earth. Not only a large garrison, but an army may remain there without hazard. At Pensacola and St. Augustine, forces may be assembled to operate in that season of the year, when the morasses, which separate them from our southern frontier, no longer breathe pestilence. By what are those armies to be opposed? Will you call the militia from the north to assist their southern brethren? They are too remote. Will you, to secure their seasonable aid, bring them early to the fields they are ordered to defend? They must perish. The climate, more fatal than the sword, will destroy them before they see their foe. The country, adjoining to our southern frontier, is now in possession of the most numerous tribes of savages we are acquainted with. The access to it from New Orex-leans and the Floridas is easy and immediate. The toys and gewgaws manufactured in France, will be scattered in abundance, to win their affections and seduce them from their present connexion. The talents of the French to gain the good will of the savages, is well known, and the disposition of those uncultured men for war, is equally notorious. Here then is a powerful instrument of destruction, which may be used against you with ruinous effect. Besides, what is the population of the southern States? Do you not tremble when you look at it? Have we not, within these few days, passed a law to prevent the importation of certain dangerous characters? What will hinder them from arriving in the Floridas, and what can guard the approach from thence to our southern frontier? These pernicious emissaries may stimulate, with a prospect of freedom, the miserable men who now toil without hope. They may excite them to imitate a fatal example, and to act over those scenes which fill our minds with horror. When the train shall be laid; when the conspiracy shall be ripe, when the armies of France shall have reached your frontier, the firing of the first musket will be a signal for general carnage and conflagration. If you will not see your danger now, the time must soon arrive when you shall feel it. The southern States being exposed to such imminent danger, their representatives may be made to know, that a vote, given in Congress, shall realize the worst apprehensions. You will then feel their danger even on this floor.

Having thus considered the effect of this cession upon the United States, in a general point of view, let us now examine it more particularly, as it regards the greater divisions of our country; the western, the southern, the middle, and the eastern States. I fear, sir, I shall detain you longer than I intended, certainly longer than the light of day will last, notwithstanding my effort to comprise what I have to say in the smallest compass. As to the western States, the effects will be remote and immediate. Those more remote may be amined under the two-fold aspect of peace and war. In peace, they will suffer the diminution of price for their produce. The advantage of supplying the French, Dutch, and Spanish colonies, may, at first sight, lead to a different opinion: but when the port of New Orleans is shut to all but French ships, there will no longer be that competition which now exists, and which always results in the highest price that commodities can bear. The French merchants have neither the large capital, nor have they the steady temper and persevering industry which foster commerce. Their invariable object in trade is, to acquire sudden wealth by large profit; and if that cannot be done, they abandon the pursuit for some new project. Certain of the market, and certain of the increasing supply, they will prescribe the price, both to those who cultivate, and to those who consume. Such will be the effect in peace. In a war with England, the attention of her fleets to cut off supplies from her enemies, must necessarily affect the price of produce in a still greater degree; and in a war with France, it will bear no price at all, until New Orleans shall be wrested from their grasp. Add to this the danger and the devastation from the troops of that country, aided by innumerable hosts of savages from the western wilds. Such being the evident effects to be produced in times not far remote, the present evil follows from the anticipation of them. The price of land must be reduced, from the certainty that its produce will become less valuable. The flood of emigration to those fertile regions must cease to

Such being the probable result as to the southern, what will it be to the middle States?

Their trade to the West India Islands is gone | increase of that power? Look at Europe. One the moment that country is in possession of the half of it is blotted from the list of empire. French. England, to whose dominions alone Austria, Russia, Prussia, and Britain, are the they can have recourse for the vent of their only powers remaining, except Sweden and produce, and the purchase of their supplies, Denmark, and they are paralyzed. Where is will confine that commerce to her own ships. Italy, Switzerland, Flanders, and all Germany I say, the moment the French are in possession west of the Rhine? Gone, swallowed up in the of New Orleans, your West India trade is gone. empire of the Gauls! Holland, Spain, PortuI do not mean that this effect will be sudden as gal, reduced to a state of submission and dea flash of lightning, but it will be gone in a few pendence! What is the situation of the powers years, which may be considered as a moment that remain? Austria is cut off from Italy, the when compared with national existence. You | great object of her ambition for more than three will then be dependent for that trade on the centuries; long the rival of France, long balgood will of England; and, as your navigation ancing with the Bourbons the fate of Europe, decreases, your dependence will be still greater, she must now submit, and tacitly acknowledge because you will rely on her navy for your pro- to the world the superiority of her foe, and her tection. I again repeat, that when it shall be own humiliation. Prussia, under the auspices a question in your councils whether you will of the great Frederick, was at the head of a have a navy, the increasing weight of the west-Germanic league to balance the imperial power. ern country will be thrown into the scale of Though united with Austria for a moment in opposition. They will insist on an army for the hollow league of the coalition, she has, like their protection. My honorable colleague has Austria, been actuated by a blind jealousy, and expressed his fears from a standing army. Sir, favoring the operations of France, for the ruin your present negligence will put you under the of her rival, expected to share largely in the necessity of having such an army, and expose general spoil. In this fond hope she is disapyou to all the consequences to be apprehended pointed; she now sees the power of France at from it. You may, indeed, remain united in a her door. There is not a fortress from the body as one nation, but with such contrarient Rhine to the Baltic, except Magdeburg, which interests and opinions, with sentiments and the first consul may leave on his left. The ferviews so different, it will be a large and lan- tile plains near Leipsic, contain the magazines guishing body, without a soul. for his armies, when he shall think proper to march to Berlin. Westphalia and lower Saxony are open on the side of Flanders and Holland. The Maine presents him a military road to the borders of Bohemia. By the Necker he approaches Ulm, and establishes himself on the Danube. These rivers enable him to take the vast resources of his wide domain to the point where he may wish to employ them. Menacing at pleasure his neighbors, he is himself secured by a line of fortresses along his whole frontier. Switzerland, which was the only feeble point of his defence, and which separated his Gallic and Italian dominions, has lately been subjected. The voice you now hear, warned the Swiss of their fate more than eight years ago. The idea seemed then extravagant; but realized, it appears but as a necessary incident. Russia is deprived of her influence in Germany, and thereby of a principal instrument by which her policy might operate on the great powers of the south. The Germanic body is, indeed, in the hand of the first consul. Three new electors along the Rhine are under the mouths of his cannon. They dare not speak-speak! None dare speak; they dare not think any thing inconsistent with his wishes. Even at their courtly feasts they sit like Damocles, destruction suspended over their heads by a single hair. Would you know the sentiment of England? Look at the debates in the two houses of Parliament; they speak their fears. Such being the general sentiment of Europe, can it be supposed that they will view, without anxiety, a new extension of that power and dominion, the object of their hatred and apprehension?

To the eastern States, when separately considered, this may appear a matter of less moment than to the other great divisions of our country. But they will perceive in it the loss of their navigation; they will see the theatre of their industrious exertions contracted; they will feel the loss of the productions of that western world in the mass of their commercial operations; and above all, they will feel the loss of an ample resource for their children. These western regions are peculiarly their heritage. It is the property of the father's of America, which they hold in trust for their children. The exuberant population of the eastern States, flows in a steady stream to the western world, and if that be rendered useless, or pass under the dominion of a foreign power, the fairest hope of posterity is destroyed. The time may come, and I fear it will come, when those who cross the mountains, will cross the line of jurisdiction. Whether we consider, therefore, this object in its relations to our general policy, or examine its bearings on the greater divisions of our country, we find ample reason to agree with the gentleman near me, that New Orleans and the Floridas must not be separated from the United States.

Let us now consider the consequence of the cession we complain of, to other nations; and this we may do generally, and then more especially as to those who have a direct and immediate interest in the transaction. In a general view, the first prominent feature is the colossal power of France. Dangerous to Europe and to the world, what will be the effect of a great