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BROTHER: You say there is but one way to worship and serve the Great Spirit. If there is but one religion, why do you white people differ so much about it? Why not all agreed, as you can all read the book?

for food. He had made the bear and the beaver. | know when to believe, being so often deceived Their skins served us for clothing. He had by the white people? scattered them over the country, and taught us how to take them. He had caused the earth to produce corn for bread. All this He had done for his red children, because He loved them. If we had some disputes about our hunting ground, they were generally settled without the shedding of much blood. But an evil day came upon us. Your forefathers crossed the great water, and landed on this island. Their numbers were small. They found friends and not enemies. They told us they had fled from their own country for fear of wicked men, and had come here to enjoy their religion. They asked for a small seat. We took pity on them; granted their request; and they sat down amongst us. We gave them corn and meat; they gave us poison* in return.

The white people, brother, had now found our country. Tidings were carried back, and more came amongst us. Yet we did not fear them. We took them to be friends. They called us brothers. We believed them, and gave them a larger seat. At length their numbers had greatly increased. They wanted more land; they wanted our country. Our eyes were opened, and our minds became uneasy. Wars took place. Indians were hired to fight against Indians, and many of our people were destroyed. They also brought strong liquor amongst us. It was strong and powerful, and has slain thousands.

BROTHER: Our seats were once large, and yours were small. You have now become a great people, and we have scarcely a place left to spread our blankets. Yo: have got our country, but are not satisfied, you want to force your religion upon us.

BROTHER: Continue to listen. You say that you are sent to instruct us how to worship the Great Spirit agreeably to his mind; and, if we do not take hold of the religion which you white people teach, we shall be unhappy hereafter. You say that you are right, and we are lost. How do we know this to be true? We understand that your religion is written in a book. If it was intended for us as well as you, why has not the Great Spirit given to us, and not only to us, but why did he not give to our forefathers, the knowledge of that book, with the means of understanding it rightly? We only know what you tell us about it. How shall we

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BROTHER: We do not understand these things. We are told that your religion was given to your forefathers, and has been handed down from father to son. We also have a religion, which was given to our forefathers, and has been handed down to us, their children. We worship in that way. It teaches us to be thankful for all the favors we receive; to love each other, and to be united. We never quarrel about religion.

BROTHER: The Great Spirit has made us all, but He has made a great difference between his white and red children. He has given us different complexions and different customs. Tc you He has given the arts. To these He has not opened our eyes. We know these things to be true. Since He has made so great a difference between us in other things, why may we not conclude that he has given us a different religion according to our understanding? The Great Spirit does right. He knows what is best for his children; we are satisfied.

BROTHER: We do not wish to destroy your religion, or take it from you. We only want to enjoy our own.

BROTHER: You say you have not come to get our land or our money, but to enlighten our minds. I will now tell you that I have been at your meetings, and saw you collect money from the meeting. I cannot tell what this money was intended for, but suppose that it was for your minister, and if we should conform to your way of thinking, perhaps you may want some from us.

BROTHER: We are told that you have been preaching to the white people in this place. These people are our neighbors. We are acquainted with them. We will wait a little while, and see what effect your preaching has upon them. If we find it does them good, makes them honest, and less disposed to cheat Indians, we will then consider again of what you have said.

BROTHER: You have now heard our answer to your talk, and this is all we have to say at present. As we are going to part, we will come and take you by the hand, and hope the Great Spirit will protect you on your journey, and return you safe to your friends.

URIAH TRACY.

THIS eminent and accomplished statesman was born in the year 1754. His early youth was devoted to the acquisition of the rudiments of a liberal education; and, in 1778, with Joel Barlow, Noah Webster, Oliver Wolcott, and other distinguished personages, he graduated at Yale College, with a high reputation for eloquence and erudition. Directing his attention to the profession of the law, by the strength of his talents and a rigid devotion to business, he soon rose to eminence and acquired a lucrative practice.

From this period of his life until his election to the lower House of Congress, in 1793, little is known of him. In the autumn of 1796, he was elected to the United States Senate, and on taking his seat in that assembly, at once became a distinguished and important member, admired by his political friends and respected by his opponents. Joseph Hopkinson, himself one of the ablest associates of Mr. Tracy, thus speaks of the "members from New England," who were in the habit of spending their evenings at his house. "When I mention such names as Ellsworth, Ames, Griswold, Goodrich, Tracy and others, you may imagine what a rich and intellectual society it was. I will not say that we have no such now, but I don't know where they are."* In wit and humor, Mr. Tracy was unrivalled, and his sarcasm was alike dreaded in the Senate chamber and the drawing-room. An anecdote of his sarcastic power is preserved, alike commemorative of the beauty and brilliancy of the circle in which he moved, and his own peculiar wit. "Mr. Liston, who succeeded Mr. Hammond as British Minister at Philadelphia, and who was thoroughly English in his ideas, on one occasion remarked to Mr. Tracy-' Your countrywoman, would be admired even at St. James's.' 'Sir,' retorted the Senator from Connecticut, 'she is admired even on Litchfield Hill.' Ӡ

The speeches of Mr. Tracy, while a member of the Congress, were sometimes perhaps tinctured with severity; but the ardor of debate, the rapidity of his ideas, and the impetuosity of his eloquence always constituted an apology. He was firmly attached to the administration of John Adams, the principles of which he ever advocated and sustained. Among the many incidents that have been related, illustrating his political career, is the following. "Toward the latter part of Adams's administration, the latter nominated to office a connection of his family, by the name of Johnson, formerly a federalist, but recently turned democrat. This was offensive to the federalists, and Tracy, then of the Senate, being regarded as a skilful diplomat, was

* Memoirs of the Administration of Washington and John Adams, by George Gibbs.

+ The vicinity of the residence of Oliver Wolcott:-At the time of Mr. Tracy's residence in Philadelphia, a society existed there, marked by every characteristic which could recommend it to one of a cultivated mind and a social disposi tion, embracing much of the genius, the worth, and no little of the wit and beauty of the country. Of this society two members of the family of Oliver Wolcott, his younger sister and his wife, were themselves no inconspicuous ornaments. The former, married to Chauncey Goodrich, was distinguished for her personal beauty and brilliant conversation; Mrs. Wolcott, with less beauty had still a countenance of much loveliness, and manners graceful and dignified. To the most. feminine gentleness of disposition, she added sound sense, and that kind of cultivation which is acquired in intercourse with thinkers. Both belonged to a class of women of whom Connecticut could then boast many, whose minds were formed, and habits of reflection directed by men; and without coming within the category of female politicians, they had been almost from childhood familiar with questions of public and general interest.—Administrations of Washington and John Adams.

appointed to go and remonstrate with the President. He accordingly went, and having put his Excellency in excellent humor, by some of his best stories, at last said—

"By the way, we have been thinking over this nomination of Johnson, and find there is a good deal of objection to him. The democrats will oppose him, because you nominated him; and some of the federalists will oppose him, because he is a democrat. We fear that if he goes to a vote, he will fail of a confirmation. As it would be unfortunate, just now, to have the administration defeated, your friends have requested me to suggest to your Excellency whether it would not be best to withdraw his name and substitute another?"

The President thrust his hands into his breeches pockets, and strode fiercely across the room: then coming up to Tracy, he said—"No, sir, no-that- -Boston Junto will never be satisfied till they drive me and my family back to Braintree to dig potatoes. No, sir-I'll not withdraw it!"*

During the latter years of Mr. Tracy's life he experienced frequent and severe illness. In the spring of the year 1807, while in a feeble state of health, he exposed himself in attending the funeral of Abraham Baldwin, his former fellow-student and colleague in the Senate. Rapidly declining, he died at Washington, on the nineteenth of July, 1807. His death was deeply deplored, and from the useful talents he possessed, was justly considered a national loss.t

AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION.

The following speech on a proposed amend- | a manifest tendency to deprive the small States ment of the Constitution of the United States, of an important right, secured to them by relative to the mode of electing the President and Vice-President, was delivered by Mr. Tracy, in the United States Senate, on the second day of December, 1802.

MR. PRESIDENT: I moved an adjournment, because I thought a more full and fair discussion was due to this important question, than could be had after this late hour.

The merits have never, until now, been before us, for although considerable time has been consumed in debate, it has chiefly been directed to the subordinate amendments, and not to the main resolution. But since the Senate have refused to adjourn, I will now offer some observations on the merits, in doing which, I will study brevity, as much as the importance of the subject will permit.

I shall attempt to prove, sir, that the resolution, before us, contains principles which have

*Recollections of a Lifetime, by S. G. Goodrich, vol. 2, page 92.

+ See New York Evening Post, 1807.

The resolution was as follows: Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both Houses concurring, that in lieu of the third paragraph of the first section of the second article of the Constitution of the United States, the following be proposed as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratifled by three-fourths of the legislatures of the several States, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of the said constitution, to wit:

a solemn and constitutional compact, and to vest an overwhelming power in the great States. And, further, I shall attempt to show, that in many other points the resolution is objectionable, and for a variety of causes, ought not to be adopted.

As I shall be obliged, in delineating the main features of this resolution, to mention the great States in the Union as objects of jealousy, I wish it to be understood, that no special stigma is intended. "Man is man," was the maxim expressed, in an early part of this debate, by the gentleman from South Carolina, Mr. Butler, and, in application to the subject of government, the maxim is worthy to be written in letters of gold. Yes, sir, "man is man," and the melancholy truth, that he is always imperfect and frequently wicked, induces us to fear his power, and guard against his rapacity, by the establishment and preservation of laws, and well regulated constitutions of government.

The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves; they shall name in their ballots, the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted

Having premised this, I shall not deem it requisite to make any apology, when I attempt to excite the attention, the vigilance, and even the jealousy of the small, in reference to the conduct of the great States. The caution is meant to apply against the imperfections and passions of man, generally, and not against any State, or description of men, particularly.

Mr. Tracy here made some observations explanatory of his meaning, when he used the words small and great, as applicable to States.

Man, when connected with very many of his | immediately find evident marks of concession fellow-men, in a great State, derives power and compromise; and that the parties to these from the circumstance of this numerous combi- concessions were the great and small States. nation; and from every circumstance, which And the members of the convention who clothes him with additional power, he will gen- formed the instrument, have, in private inforerally derive some additional force to his pas- mation and public communications, united in sions. the declaration, that the constitution was the result of concession and compromise between the great and small States. In this examination of the constitution, it will be impossible to keep out of view our political relations under the first confederation. We primarily united upon the footing of complete State equality; each State had one, and no State had more than one vote in the federal council or Congress. With such a confederation we successfully waged war, and became an independent nation. When we were relieved from the pressure of war, that confederation, both in structure and power, was found inadequate to the purposes for which it was established. Under these cirentered into a new agreement, upon principles cumstances, the States, by their convention, better adapted to promote their mutual security and happiness. But this last agreement, or Constitution, under which we are now united, was manifestly carved out of the first confederation. The small States adhered tenaciously to the principles of State equality, and gave up only a part of this federative principle, complete State equality, and that with evident caution and reluctance. To this federative principle they were attached by habit; and their attachment was sanctioned and corroborated by the example of most, if not all the ancient and the modern confederacies. And when the great States claimed a weight in the councils of the nation proportionate to their numbers and wealth, the novelty of the claim, as well as its obvious tendency to reduce the sovereignty of the small States, must have produced serious obstacles to its admission. Hence it is, that we find in the constitution but one entire

It will be recollected, that, in the various turns which this debate has taken, gentlemen have repeatedly said, that the constitution was formed for the people, that the good of the whole was its object, that nothing was discernible in it like a contest of States, nothing like jealousy of small States against the great; and although such distinctions and jealousies might have existed under the first confederation; yet they could have no existence under the last. And one gentleman, Mr. Smith, of Maryland, has said that he has been a member of this government ten years, and has heard nothing of great and small States, as in the least affecting the operations of government, or the feelings of those who administer it. Propriety, therefore, requires, that we attentively examine the constitution itself, not only to obtain correct ideas upon these observations, so repeatedly urged; but to place, in the proper light, the operations and effects of the resolution in de

bate.

If we attend to the constitution, we shall

The person having the greatest number of votes for President, shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States must be necessary to a choice.

departure from the federal principle. The House of Representatives is established upon the popular principle and given to numbers and wealth, or to the great States, which, in this view of the subject are synonymous. It was thought by the convention, that a consolidation of the States into one simple republic, would be improper: and the local feelings and jealousies of all, but more especially of the small States, rendered a consolidation impracticable. The Senate, who have the power of a legislative check upon the House of Representatives, and many other extensive and important powers, is The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-preserved as an entire federative feature of President, shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest num

hers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; 3 quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President, shall be eligible

that of Vice-President of the United States.

government, as it was enjoyed by the smal States, under the first confederacy.

In the article which obliges the electors of President to vote for one person not an inhabitant of the same State with themselves, is discovered State jealousy. In the majorities required for many purposes by the constitution, although there were other motives for the reg ulations, yet the jealousy of the small States is

:

clearly discernible. Indeed, sir, if we peruse the constitution with attention, we shall find the small States are perpetually guarding the federative principle, that is, State equality and this, in every part of it, except in the choice of the House of Representatives, and in their ordinary legislative proceedings. They go so far as to prohibit any amendment which may affect the equality of States in the Senate. This is guarding against almost an impossibility; because the Senators of small States must be criminally remiss in their attendance, and the legislatures extremely off their guard, if they permit such alterations, which aim at their own existence. But lest some accident, some unaccountable blindness or perfidy should put in jeopardy the federative principle in the Senate, they totally and for ever prohibit all attempts at such a measure.

the people at large, or, in other words, that the great States, ought to have more weight and influence in the choice; that it should be brought nearer to the popular, and carried further from the federative principle. This claim, we find was made at the formation of the constitution. The great States naturally wished for a popular choice of first magistrate: this mode was sanctioned by the example of many of the States, in the choice of governor. The small States claimed a choice on the federative principle, by the legislatures, and to vote by States: analogies and examples were not wanting to sanction this mode of election. A consideration of the weight and influence of a President of this Union, must have multiplied the difficulties of agreeing upon the mode of choice. But, as I have before said, by mutual concession, they agreed upon the present mode, combining both principles and dividing between the two parties, thus mutually jealous, as they could, this important privilege of electing a chief magistrate. This mode then became established, and the right of the small States to elect upon the federative principle, or by States, in case of contingency of electoral failure of choice, cannot, with reason and fairness, be taken from them without their consent, and on a full understanding of its operation; since it was meant to be secured to them by the constitution, and was one of the terms upon which they became members of the present confederacy;, and for which privilege they gave an equivalent to the great States, in sacrificing so much of the federative principle, or State equality.

In the choice of President, the mutual caution and concession of the great and small States, is, if possible, more conspicuous than in any other part of the constitution. He is to be chosen by electors appointed as the State legislatures shall direct, not according to numbers entirely, but adding two electors in each State as representatives of State sovereignty. Thus Delaware obtains three votes for President, whereas she could have but one in right of numbers. Yet, mixed as this mode of choice is, with both popular and federative principles, we see the small States watching its motions and circumscribing it to one attempt only; and on failure of an electoral choice, they instantly seize upon the right of a federal election, and select from the candidates a President, by The constitution is nicely balanced, with the States, and not by numbers. In confirmation federative and popular principles; the Senate of my assertion, that this part of the constitu- are the guardians of the former, and the House tion was peculiarly the effect of compromise of Representatives of the latter; and any atbetween the great and small States, permit me tempts to destroy this balance, under whatever to quote an authority, which will certainly have specious names or pretences they may be pregreat weight, not only in the Senate, but sented, should be watched with a jealous eye. through the Union, I mean that of the present Perhaps a fair definition of the constitutional Secretary of State, Mr. Madison, who was a power of amending is, that you may, upon exleading member of the federal convention who periment, so modify the constitution, in its formed, and of the Virginia convention, who practice and operation, as to give it, upon its adopted the constitution. In the Debates of own principles, a more complete effect. But the Virginia Convention, volume three, page this is an attack upon a fundamental principle seventy-seven, he says, speaking of the mode established after a long deliberation, and by of electing the President, "As to the eventual mutual concession-a principle of essential imvoting by States, it has my approbation. The portance to the instrument itself, and an atlesser States and some larger States will be tempt to wrest from the small States a vested generally pleased by that mode. The deputies right, and, by it, to increase the power and infrom the small States argued, and there is some fluence of the large States. I shall not pretend, force in their reasoning, that when the people sir, that the parties to this constitutional comvoted, the large States evidently had the ad-pact, cannot alter its original, essential princivantage over the rest, and without varying the mode, the interests of the little States might be neglected or sacrificed. Here is a compromise. For, in the eventual election, the small States will have the advantage."

After this view of the constitution, let us inquire, what is the direct object of the proposed alteration in the choice of President? To render more practicable and certain the choice by electors: and for this reason; that

ples; and that such alterations may not be effected under the name of amendment; but, let a proposal of that kind come forward in its own proper and undisguised shape; let it be fairly stated to Congress, to the State legislatures, to the people at large, that the intention is to change an important federative feature in the constitution, which change, in itself, and all its consequences, will tend to a consolidation of this Union into a simple republic; let it be

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