ness, and intrepidity, that nerve the arm and invigorate the mind, that provide you men, at all times, able and willing to defend the soil blessed by their industry, and to advance the glory of a nation that has the wisdom to protect and cherish them.

Instead of these hardy employments, you offer the loom and shuttle. You huddle together men, women, and children, in one contaminated, and contaminating mass, and will soon render your men more effeminate than your women. You have sentenced the sons of industry and enterprise to penury and want, and expect to stifle their complaints by sending them to work at a machine, where an idiot can work as skilfully as themselves, and a feeble girl of ten years of age can earn as much.

I know, sir, the people of this country are patient beyond all example. They have believed the government was not hostile to their interests. They have been taught to think | the privation they endured was a necessary price for the protection of their rights, and the support of their freedom. This opiate, which has been so plentifully administered, must, and will lose its effect. They cannot continue the dupes of that policy, of which they are so manifestly the victims. They will not stoop to beg; they cannot see their wives and children perish with hunger and nakedness. You take from them their livelihood, and restrain them from the sad privilege of seeking abroad that bread which you will not permit them to earn at home. They will feel themselves degraded and insulted by being told, that they must fight the enemy for their rights, when the government, which ought to be their friend and protector, deprives them of all their rights, of even the means of obtaining subsistence, and at the same time renders them the scoff and ridicule of the world.

Would to heaven, sir, the government might awake from its own fatal illusions, before it be too late, before the people shall awake to the deformity of that despotism which debases and oppresses them!

The President tells you the restraints will affect those most who are most ready to sacrifice the interests of their country in pursuit of their own. These restraints will affect all who use any articles like those which are prohibited. The bill grants a monopoly to the manufacturer, at the expense of every one who wears the article which he makes. You tax the weaver the difference that is occasioned in price, by want of those commodities, which would have been imported had not your prohibition been imposed.

By the destruction of commerce, with its dependent arts, and the flattering bounties you thereby heap on the favored manufacturers, you prematurely seduce the capitalists of the country into new and untried employments. When peace returns, and trade shall be restored, should that ever be the case, these manufactures will not compete with foreign. They

will then be destroyed with the same apathy that is now discovered in the destruction of others that are more useful. From the high price of labor in America,-the cheapness, quantity, and excellence of our lands, and the profitable employment of capital in foreign commerce, we cannot expect to manufacture many articles so cheap as they can be afforded from other countries, less fortunately situated. Such will then be imported, and the numerous adventurers in these new establishments must fail. Sad, but certain result of not leaving to the sagacity of individuals, at all times more quick-sighted and intelligent on subjects of this sort than the wisest governments, the employment of their wealth, and the exercise of their own industry.

All writers, sir, on political economy, all nations, except our own; all statesmen, except those who rule the destinies of the United States; are satisfied of the vast importance of commerce to the population, the riches, and prosperity of a country; that, with it, are inseparably connected individual wealth and national power, of which it is essentially the source and support.

From some cause, which I will not now undertake to develope, but which is, at last, pretty well understood throughout this country, the efforts of our government have all tended directly to the destruction of commerce. To this end it has been loaded with all the shackles and restrictions for which any pretence could be invented, and to as high a degree, and as long as the patience of the people would bear. Congress has now finally suppressed all that can be exercised by our own citizens, both foreign and domestic.

The little remnant which had been spared from prohibitions, proscriptions, embargoes, and war measures against Great Britain, at the evident hazard of offending the few friends which remain to us in the civilized world, is now to be sacrificed to this exterminating spirit. Not an article, of which wool or cotton is an ingredient, is to be admitted from abroad. By far the greatest portion of the apparel of the whole population of this country, is composed of wool or cotton. It cannot be pretended that one-half the supply necessary to cover our citizens from absolute nakedness, can be made at home. Without recurring to the uncertain accounts, of who makes, and where these goods are made, and the quantities that interested manufacturers pretend can be delivered, there is one fact known to every one, that puts this question beyond all doubt: notwithstanding the immense influx of those articles in the autumn of 1812, and the quantities which we are told find their way into the United States from Great Britain, as well as from other parts of the world, goods of this kind, especially of the coarser sort, and such as are used almost exclusively by the poor, have been sold for a year past at three times the amount of their original cost, whereas, in com

I did not, sir, in my motion for striking out, include spirits distilled from the sugar cane, because I am satisfied we can make at home, spirits in as great quantities as can be useful for domestic consumption. The only remaining consideration would be that of revenue. And since, by all the skill of our financiers, and the wisdom of our statesmen, we have only reduced

from sixteen millions to a half a million of dollars, it cannot, in the view of the administration, be important to regard the article in this relation; moreover, the prohibition of spirits distilled from cane, and the admission of French brandy, discover a due respect to that power and those interests, with which our own seem intimately, if not inseparably and fatally involved.

The following remarks, on the bill "to pro-, vide additional revenue for defraying the expenses of government, and maintaining the public credit, by laying a direct tax upon the United States, and to provide for assessing and collecting the same," were delivered by Mr. Gore, in the United States Senate, on the fifth of January, 1815.

MR. PRESIDENT: This bill imposes burdens extremely heavy on all the citizens of our common country, and on those with which I am most acquainted, a load that, under existing circumstances, will be intolerable.

With the principle of the bill, in selecting as objects of taxation the lands and buildings of the United States, I have no fault to find.

I consider them as fit and proper subjects of revenue, and such assessments calculated to equalize the burdens of the country, as imposing them on all parts, and with more impartiality than can be attained by any other mode. And, sir, I should feel it my duty to vote for a bill imposing such a tax to any reasonable amount had it not pleased the government of the nation to place the State, which I have the honor to represent, out of the protection of the United States, and to determine, that while it shall bear a full proportion of the taxes, none of their fruits shall redound to her relief.

The motives of Congress in granting supplies, are doubtless to provide for the defence of the country, and the security of its rights, by a safe and honorable peace.

These motives are wise and irresistible; all concur in the necessity of defending our territory against the enemy; and in the assertion and maintenance of our essential rights at every peril, and if necessary, by the sacrifice of all that conduces to private ease and personal enjoyment.

No one feels this truth more sensibly than myself-no one considers the duty more imperative. With its obligations I have no compromises to make, and in its performance I ask for no limitations on account of the folly and improvidence with which the war was urged,

nor of the degrading imbecility, and prodigal waste of treasure, of blood, and character, by which it has been prosecuted.

The enemy publicly proclaims his purpose to spread desolation far and wide, on our unprotected sea-coasts. He proceeds to execute his threats with a barbarity and baseness, in many instances, unprecedented.

The mansions of the rich, the palaces of the nation, and the cottages of the poorest citizen, feel alike his disgraceful vengeance. The opulence of the wealthy is destroyed; the means of subsistence to the impoverished inhabitants of the sands are redeemed from his rapacity by grinding impositions, which the charity of such as being out of the reach of his power are alone able to supply. Even the ashes of the dead are not suffered to repose in quiet. And, as the last act of atrocity, your slaves are seized and seduced, embodied in military array, and led to the destruction of their masters, and the plunder of their possessions.

Whether those acts seek an apology in the conduct of our own government, we cannot inquire for the purpose of weighing our duty to repel his attack. Whoever comes to our shores in the character of an enemy must be resisted. We must do all in our power to defend ourselves and our soil from an invading foe.

A question arises, Have we any grounds for believing that the grants of men and money will be wisely applied to the purposes of defence and protection?

Honorable gentlemen will please go back to November, 1811, when the Executive, in winding its devious course to the fatal act of June, 1812, addressed the hopes, the fears, the vanity, and pride of the people, and owning its duty to establish the general security, assured the nation, "that the works of defence on our maritime frontier had been prosecuted with an activity leaving little to be added for the completion of the most important ones. The land forces so disposed as to ensure appropriate and important services, and embodied and marched toward the north-western frontiers," to seek satisfaction for acts, which it was declared, had alike, "the character and effects of war."

The subsequent course of things must be ful

We learn that the same measures are to be pursued. The Atlantic coast is to be defended, as heretofore, by attempts on Canada. This is frankly and formally told to the Congress, that no pretence can be urged in future, of disappointment or deception.

I forbear to speak on this subject. In the actual state of things, all reasoning must be futile. The powers of language cease before the eloquent monitors constantly in our view.

We are doomed to remain in this scene, that we may not for a moment lose sight of our degradation and disgrace. The government had complete information of the designs of the enemy months before his attack on Washington. In this city were all the means of defence, fortresses, ships, cannon, men, and money; here, too, was concentrated all the wisdom of the administration, to deliberate, examine, decide, and prepare for the support of the Capitol, at least sixty days prior to its destruction, by a few thousand worn down and exhausted soldiers. You have now in full view the effect of their combined councils-of their individual and united talents, prudence, and energies.

These monuments show, in characters not to be mistaken, the future in the past, and the desolation around. They declare the fate of every place under the influence and protection of our government, if approached by the enemy.

Congress continues to grant, with no sparing hand, supplies of every kind to the same men, in the hope, it is imagined that heaven may, by some miracle, interpose for their application to the safety and relief of the country.

Permit me, sir, to crave your indulgence, and that of the honorable Senate, while I relate the condition of the country which I represent, as the grounds of the vote I am constrained to give on this occasion. The State of Massachusetts has a sea-coast of about six hundred miles in extent. Its eastern boundary joins that of the enemy. It is of course peculiarly liable to invasion. The President of the United States was avowedly of the opinion that it would be invaded immediately on the commencement of the war. There were several islands, and one of great importance, on the eastern frontier, the title to which was not definitively acknowledged by Great Britain. The claim of Massachusetts had been allowed by this power in a treaty made according to the instructions of the President, which treaty the United States had chosen to reject. The government, therefore, superadded to the general obligation enjoined upon it, to protect and defend the territory of all the States, had incurred a peculiar responsibility to guard this particular frontier from falling into the hands of the enemy.

This State has been left entirely unprotected and defenceless, and has at no time had within it, and destined to its defence, sufficient force of the United States to protect any one point

Shortly after the adoption of the constitution she ceded to the United States all the fortresses in her possession. These, with all the prominent points of lands and sites, appropriate for fortifications, to defend the State against invasion, were, and for a long time previous to the war had been, in the exclusive possession of the United States. The State, therefore, had no authority or jurisdiction over, nor even to enter them for any purpose; much less to assume the defence of their territory, through these means.

One great and principal object of the constitution was to provide by this government for the common defence, and, by the power and resources of all the States, to protect each against invasion.

The preamble declares: "We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution." For this end the States surrendered the principal sources of revenue, over which they previously had uncontrolled dominion.

"The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises to pay the debts and provide for the common defence, to borrow money on the credit of the United States."

Here are ample resources, and means commensurate to the duties the United States were enjoined and undertook to perform.

This cannot be denied by the men now in power; for they abolished many taxes, in full and productive operation, at the time they received the government.

Power was also granted to raise and support any kind of force necessary to ensure the common defence, and to protect the State against invasion, viz.: "To raise and support armies. To provide and maintain a navy. To exercise exclusive legislation over all places purchased by the consent of the legislatures of the States in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock yards, and other needful buildings."

The several States, having surrendered their own resources, and afforded such ample provision for the common defence, left no doubt of the paramount duty in the United States to perform it punctually and faithfully.

In the present war, they are without excuse, if this be not fully and perfectly done; for the war was of their own choice; they made it, and at their own time.

The several States received from the United States a solemn obligation, that they would protect each against invasion. "The United States guarantee to every State a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion."

If any thing were wanting to show the sacredness of this duty in the United States, and the absolute reliance which the States entertained of its complete performance, it is to be found in the restrictions and privations which the several States imposed on themselves.

"No State shall grant letters of marque and reprisal. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any imposts, or duties on imports or exports," except, &c. "No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war, in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in a war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay."

Having thus surrendered all the pecuniary resources necessary to provide the means of defence, and also the right to raise a force requisite to this end, the several States did rely, and were justified in relying, with perfect confidence, for complete protection and defence, on the Government of the United States.

No one will pretend that such defence has been afforded to all the States in the Union. Massachusetts has been entirely abandoned. The men raised there for the regular army have been marched out of the State.

Within a month of the declaration of war, the governor of that State was informed, by direction of the President, that the regular troops were all ordered from the sea-coast; and his threat, if intended as such, was instantly executed. Thus, the moment the United States had placed the country in a situation to require defence, and which it was their duty to provide, they wantonly took away the only force which could afford it.

It may be said, that the President called forth the militia, in June and July, 1812, for the purpose of making the defence, and protecting the State against invasion, and the governor refused to obey the requisition. On the 12th June, 1812, the President, by his Secretary of War, requested Governor Strong to order into the service of the United States, on the requisition of General Dearborn, such parts of the militia as the general might deem necessary for the defence of the sea-coast; and, on the 22d June, the same general informed the governor that war was declared against Great Britain, and requested forty-one companies for the defence of the ports and harbors in Massachusetts, and the harbor of Newport, in Rhode Island.

The governor of a State is obliged to comply with every requisition of the United States for militia, made in pursuance of the provisions of the constitution. He is equally bound, by his duty to the States, to refrain from calling them forth for purposes not within these provisions. The only cases which authorize a call for the militia of the several States, to act against an enemy, is to repel invasion.

The President neither by himself nor any of

his officers, ever pretended that this case existed, at the time the requisition was issued. The requisition was made expressly for the defence of the ports and harbors of that State and of Rhode Island.

The militia is a force which belongs to the several States respectively and exclusively, and is so recognized by the Constitution of the United States. The Government of the United States is a government of limited authorities, and has no other powers than what are granted by the constitution. A power to call forth the militia to provide for the common defence, or to protect against invasion, is nowhere granted to the United States in express terms. All the authority over the militia delegated to the United States, is to call them forth to repel invasion; to execute the laws, and to suppress insurrection. The United States are bound to provide for the common defence.

To repel invasion, is included in the duty of providing for the common defence; and as invasion may be sudden, even in time of profound peace, and before the United States can bring their forces to meet an unexpected attack, the militia of the several States is granted to the United States, from the necessity of the case, as the means by which they may provide for the common defence, in such particular instance.

If the United States have authority to call forth the militia for the ordinary purposes of war, for the common defence, or for protection against invasion, under any of the general powers granted, such as that to provide for the common defence, there would have been no necessity for the special clause authorizing Congress to provide for calling them forth to repel invasion; for repelling invasion is undoubtedly one part of the duty of providing for the common defence.

If it were the intent of the constitution to grant to the United States expressly, a power over the militia for protection against invasion, it would have declared, that, for such purposes, the United States might call forth the militia; or it would have said to protect against or repel invasion. And especially in the clause which enjoins on the United States the duty of protecting each State against invasion, the constitution would have declared, and that, for this purpose, the United States shall call forth the militia. No such words, no such grants, are made in this instrument. If, therefore, the authority of the United States to call forth the militia to protect the ports and harbors of a State, be granted, it must be by the terms to repel invasion. Common defence includes all the means by which a nation may be guarded, protected, defended, and secured against danger, both in war and in peace.

To repel invasion, is only one particular and specific act providing for the common defence. It is contrary to common sense, as well as to all the rules of logic, to say that a specific power or duty includes the general power, or