of the transactions of the Spanish treaty. We have not forgotten with what a thick veil of secrecy those transactions were covered.

case. A republic has this advantage over a monarchy, that its wars are generally founded on more just grounds. A republic can never enter into a war, unless it be a national war, unless it be approved of, or desired by the whole community. Did ever a republic fail to use the utmost resources of the community when a war was necessary? I call for an example. I call also for an example, when & republic has been engaged in a war contrary to the wishes of its people. There are thousands of examples where the ambition of its prince has precipitated a nation into the most destructive war. No nation ever withheld power when its object was just and right. I will hazard an observation: I find fault with the paper before you, because the same power that declares war, has the ability to carry it on. Is it so in England? The king declares war: the house of commons gives the means of carrying it on. This is a strong check on the king. He will enter into no war that is unnecessary; for the commons, having the power of withholding the means, will exercise that power, unless the object of the war be for the interest of the nation. How is it here? The Congress can both declare war and carry it on, and levy your money as long as you have a shilling to

We are told that this government, collectively taken, is without an example; that it is national in this part, and federal in that part, &c. We may be amused, if we please, by a treatise of political anatomy. In the brain it is national: the stamina are federal-some limbs are federal, others national. The senators are voted for by the State legislatures; so far it is federal. Individuals choose the members of the first branch; here it is national. It is federal in conferring general powers, but national in retaining them. It is not to be supported by the States the pockets of individuals are to be searched for its maintenance. What signifies it to me, that you have the most curious anatomical description of it in its creation? To all the common purposes of legislation it is a great consolidation of government. You are not to have the right to legislate in any but trivial cases: you are not to touch private contracts: you are not to have the right of having arms in your own defence: you cannot be trusted with dealing out justice between man and man. What shall the States have to do?-Take care of the poor, repair and make highways, erect bridges, and so on and so on. Abolish the pay. State legislatures. at once. What purposes I shall now speak a little of the colonial conshould they be continued for? Our legislature federacy which was proposed at Albany. Maswill indeed be a ludicrous spectacle-one hun-sachusetts did not give her consent to the prodred and eighty men marching in solemn, ject at Albany so as to consolidate with the farcical procession, exhibiting a mournful proof of the lost liberty of their country, without the power of restoring it. But, sir, we have the consolation, that it is a mixed government; that is, it may work sorely on your neck, but you will have some comfort by saying, that it was a federal government in its origin.

other colonies. Had there been a consolidation at Albany, where would have been their charter? Would that confederacy have preserved their charter from Britain? The strength and energy of the then designed government would have crushed American opposition.

The American revolution took its origin from the comparative weakness of the British government, not being concentred into one point. A concentration of the strength and interest of the British government in one point, would have rendered opposition to its tyrannies fruit

For want of that consolidation do we now enjoy liberty, and the privilege of debating at this moment. I am pleased with the colonial establishment. The example which the honorable member has produced to persuade us to depart from our present confederacy, rivets me to my former opinion, and convinces me that consolidation must end in the destruction of our liberties.

I beg gentlemen to consider; lay aside your prejudices-is this a federal government? Is it not a consolidated government for every purpose almost? Is the government of Virginia a State government, after this government is adopted? I grant that it is a republican gov-less. erniment; but for what purposes? For such trivial, domestic considerations, as render it unworthy the name of a legislature. I shall take leave of this political anatomy by observing, that it is the most extraordinary that ever entered into the imagination of man. If our political diseases demand a cure, this is an unheard of medicine. The honorable member, I am convinced, wanted a name for it. Weré your health in danger, would you take new medicine? I need not make use of these exclamations; for every member in this committee must be alarmed at making new and unusual experiments in government. Let us have national credit and a national treasury in case of war. You never can want national resources in time of war, if the war be a national one, if it be necessary, and this necessity be obvious to the meanest capacity. The utmost exertions will be used by the people of America in that

The honorable gentleman has told us of our ingratitude to France. She does not intend to take payment by force. Ingratitude shall not be laid to my charge. I wish to see the friendship between this country and that magnanimous ally perpetuated. Requisitions will enable us to pay the debts we owe to France and other countries. She does not desire us to go from our beloved republican government. The change is inconsistent with our engagements with those nations. It is cried out, that those in opposition wish disunion. This is not

true. They are the most strenuous friends to | now, depressed by the most intolerable slavery, it. This government will clearly operate dis- in the different parts of the world; because the union. If it be heard on the other side of the strong hand of power has bolted them in the Atlantic, that you are going to disunite and dis- dungeon of despotism. Review the present solve the confederacy, what says France? Will situation of the nations of Europe, which is she be indifferent to an event that will so radi- | pretended to be the freest quarter of the globe. cally affect her treaties with us? Our treaty Cast your eyes on the countries called free with her is founded on the confederation-we there. Look at the country from which we are are bound to her as thirteen States confederated. descended, I beseech you; and although we are What will become of the treaty? It is said separated by everlasting, insuperable partitions, that treaties will be on a better footing. How yet there are some virtuous people there who so? Will the President, Senate, and House of are friends to human nature and liberty. Look Representatives be parties to them? I cannot at Britain; see there the bolts and bars of conceive how the treaties can be as binding, if power; see bribery and corruption defiling the the confederacy is dissolved, as they are now. fairest fabric that ever human nature reared. Those nations will not continue their friend- Can a gentleman, who is an Englishman, or ship then; they will become our enemies. I who is acquainted with the English history, delook on the treaties as the greatest pillars of sire to prove these evils? See the efforts of a safety. If the house of Bourbon keeps us, we man descended from a friend of America; see are safe. Dissolve that confederacy-who has the efforts of that man, assisted even by the you?—The British. Federalism will not pro- | king, to make reforms. But you find the faults tect you from the British. Is a connection with too strong to be amended. Nothing but bloody that country more desirable? I was amazed war can alter them. See Ireland: that counwhen gentlemen forgot the friends of America. try groaning from century to century, without I hope that this dangerous change will not be getting their government amended. Previous effected. It is safe for the French and Span- adoption was the fashion there. They sent for iards, that we should continue to be thirteen amendments from time to time, but never obStates; but it is not so, that we should be con- tained them, though pressed by the severest solidated into one government. They have set- oppression, till eighty thousand volunteers detlements in America; will they like schemes of manded them sword in hand-till the power of popular ambition? Will they not have some Britain was prostrate; when the American reserious reflections? You may tell them you sistance was crowned with success. Shall we have not changed your situation; but they will do so? If you judge by the experience of Irenot believe you. If there be a real check in- land, you must obtain the amendments as early tended to be left on Congress, it must be left in as possible. But, I ask you again, where is the the State governments. There will be some example that a government was amended by check, as long as the judges are incorrupt. As those who instituted it? Where is the instance long as they are upright, you may preserve of the errors of a government rectified by those your liberty. But what will the judges deter- who adopted them? mine when the State and federal authority come to be contrasted? Will your liberty then be secure, when the congressional laws are declared paramount to the laws of your State, and the judges are sworn to support them?

I shall make a few observations to prove that the power over elections, which is given to Congress, is contrived by the federal government; that the people may be deprived of their proper influence in the government, by destroying the I am constrained to make a few remarks on force and effect of their suffrages. Congress is the absurdity of adopting this system, and re-to have a discretionary control over the time, ying on the chance of getting it amended af-place and manner of elections. The representterwards. When it is confessed to be replete atives are to be elected consequently when and with defects, is it not offering to insult your where they please. As to the time and place, understandings, to attempt to reason you out of gentlemen have attempted to obviate the obthe propriety of rejecting it, till it be amended?jection, by saying that the time is to happen Does it not insult your judgments to tell you-- once in two years, and that the place is to be adopt first, and then amend? Is your rage for within a particular district, or in the respective novelty so great, that you are first to sign and counties. But how will they obviate the danseal, and then to retract? Is it possible to con-ger of referring the manner of election to Conceive a greater solecism? I am at a loss what to gress? Those illumined genii may see that say. You agree to bind yourselves hand and this may not endanger the rights of the peofoot-for the sake of what? Of being un- ple; but to my unenlightened understanding, it bound. You go into a dungeon-for what? appears plain and clear, that it will impair the To get out. Is there no danger when you go popular weight of the government. Look at the in, that the bolts of federal authority shall shut Roman history. They had two ways of voting: you in? Human nature never will part from the one by tribes, and the other by centuries. power. Look for an example of a voluntary By the former, numbers prevailed: in the latrelinquishment of power, from one end of the ter, riches preponderated. According to the globe to another you will find none. Nine-mode prescribed, Congress may tell you, that tenths of our fellow-men have been, and are they have a right to make the vote of one gen

tleman go as far as the votes of one hundred poor | my consent. My sentiments may appear exmen. The power over the manner admits of the travagant, but I can tell you, that a number of most dangerous latitude. They may modify it my fellow-citizens have kindred sentiments; as they please. They may regulate the number and I am anxious, if my country should come of votes by the quantity of property, without into the hands of tyranny, to exculpate myself involving any repugnancy to the constitution. from being in any degree the cause; and to exI should not have thought of this trick or con- ert my faculties to the utmost to extricate her. trivance, had I not seen how the public liberty Whether I am gratified or not in my beloved of Rome was trifled with by the mode of voting form of government, I consider that the more by centuries, whereby one rich man had as she is plunged into distress, the more it is my many votes as a multitude of poor men. The duty to relieve her. Whatever may be the replebeians were trampled on till they resisted. sult, I shall wait with patience till the day may The patricians trampled on the liberties of the come when an opportunity shall offer to exert plebeians, till the latter had spirit to assert their myself in her cause. right to freedom and equality. The result of the American mode of election may be similar. Perhaps I shall be told, that I have gone through the regions of fancy; that I deal in noisy exclamations, and mighty professions of patriotism. Gentlemen may retain their opinions; but I look on that paper as the most fatal plan that could possibly be conceived to enslave a free people. If such be your rage for novelty, take it and welcome, but you never shall have

But I should be led to take that man for a lunatic, who should tell me to run into the adoption of a government avowedly defective, in hopes of having it amended afterwards. Were Ibout to give away the meanest particle my own property, I should act with more prudence and discretion. My anxiety and fears are great, lest America, by the adop tion of this system, should be cast into a fath omless abyss.

RICHARD HENRY LEE.

THE name of Lee occupies t and honorable position in the political, religious and domestic history of the American Richard, the great-grandfather of Richard Henry Lee, removed from England to Virg the reign of Charles the First, and after making several voyages to his native country, settled in the county of Northumberland, between the valleys of the Rappahannock and Potomac rivers. During the civil war between Charles the First and the British Parliament, this Richard Lee, and Governor Sir William Berkeley, conducted, on the part of Virginia, the negotiations consequent upon her resistance to the armed ships and troops of Cromwell, which had been sent to reduce her to an allegiance. Unable to defend the colony against this force, but refusing fidelity to the Protector, they consummated a treaty, in which Virginia was styled an "independent dominion." On the death of Cromwell, Lee, with the assistance of Sir William Berkeley, procured a declaration, proclaiming Charles the Second "King of England, France, Scotland, Ireland and Virginia," two years previous to his restoration. For this manifestation of loyalty, Charles, after he was restored to his throne, ordered the arms of Virginia to be added to those of England, France, Scotland and Ireland, with the motto "En dat Virginia quintam." After the union of England and Scotland, the arms of Virginia were quartered with those of England, &c., with the motto "En dat Virginia quartam;" and from these circumstances Virginia derived her title of "Ancient Dominion." In gratitude for the eminent services of Mr. Lee, Richard, his second son, was appointed to an honorable and influential seat in the king's council of Virginia. This office was transmitted to Thomas, the third son of the last mentioned Richard Lee, and the father of Richard Henry, the subject of the present sketch.

Richard Henry Lee was born on the twentieth day of January, 1732, in Westmoreland county, Virginia. At this period there were very few seminaries of learning in the colonies, at which the higher branches of education were taught, therefore young Lee, after passing a few years under the care of a private tutor, was sent to England to complete his studies. At the age of nineteen, two years after the death of his father, in 1750, he returned to his native country, and for some time resided with his brother. Although at this time he passed his days in ease and pleasure, he was never idle. The extensive library his father had collected was his resort, and among the books he found abundant resources to improve his intellect. He studied with profound admiration the classic histories of Greece and Rome, and from the story of their patriotic and republican ages, he derived that extensive fund of political knowledge which he so successfully used in the service of the colonies, in after life. Thus prepared, Mr. Lee entered upon the field of public action. At the time England sent troops to protect the frontiers of the colonies from the predatory incursions of the Indians, who were employed by France to carry on the แ seven years war "in America, Mr. Lee, on their arrival, marched at the head of a volunteer company to Alexandria, or Belhaven, on the Potomac, and tendered his services to the unfortunate General Braddock, who had command of the regulars. The general deeming the services of the provincials of little importance, declined to take them under his command, and Mr. Lee returned to his home. This occurred in 1755. In 1757 Mr. Lee was appointed a justice of the peace, and upon a petition from the other magistrates to the governor, he was made president

this strange and unhappy truth?

of the court. The same year he was elected to the House of Burgesses, in which position he became thoroughly versed in the laws of legislation, and the rules of parliamentary proceedings. For a long time, through want of confidence, and natural diffidence, he took very little part in debate; but the occasion arrived when he rose to a position among the first in ability and eloquence. A bill was before the House "to lay so heavy a duty on the importation of slaves, as effectually to stop the disgraceful traffic." It met with the strongest opposition. Mr. Lee spoke in favor of the imposition. "As the consequences, sir," said he, "of the determination which we must make in the subject of this day's debate, will greatly affect posterity as well as our selves, it surely merits our most serious attention. If this be bestowed, it will appear both from reason and experience, that the importation of slaves into this colony, has been and will be attended with effects dangerous to our political and moral interest. When it is observed that some of our neighboring colonies, though much later than ourselves in point of settlement, are now far before us in improvement, to what, sir, can we attrib The reason seems to be this-that with their whites the arts and agriculture, while we with our blacks, exclude both. Nature has not parti fored them with superior fertility of soil, nor do they enjoy more of the sun's Huence, yet greatly have they outstripped us. In my opinion, not the practised in the conquest of Spanish America, not the savage barbarities of a Saracen, can be more big with atrocity than our cruel trade to Africa. There we encourage those poor ignorant people to wage eternal war against each other; not nation against nation, but father against son, children against parents, and brothers against brothers; whereby parental and filial affection is terribly violated; that by war, stealth or surprise, we Christians may be furnished with our fellow-creatures, who are no longer to be considered as created in the image of God, as well as ourselves, and equally entitled to liberty and freedom, by the great law of nature, but they are to be deprived, for ever deprived, of all the comforts of life, and to be made the most miserable of all the human race. I have seen it observed by a great writer, that Christianity, by introducing into Europe the truest principles of humanity, universal benevolence and brotherly love, had happily abolished civil slavery. Let us who profess the same religion, practise its precepts, and by agreeing to this duty, convince the world that we know and practise our true interests, and that we pay a proper regard to the dictates of justice and humanity." Mr. Lee's eloquence on this occasion was highly applauded, but the principles he advocated were not popular, and the bill was rejected.

* * * *

The next important service rendered by Mr. Lee, was the exposure of the frauds and corruptions practised by Mr. Robinson, the treasurer of the colony of Virginia. Mr. Robinson was a man of immense wealth and social power, and was very popular with the aristocratic party, of which he was a member.* These circumstances, together with that of his occupying the speaker's chair in the House of Burgesses, before whom Mr. Lee was to speak, required great boldness, energy and sagacity to introduce the investigation successfully. This he accomplished with the skill of a master, and proved clearly that the treasurer had been guilty of re-issuing reclaimed treasury bills, to his friends and favorites to support their extravagance; thereby defrauding the colony.

When Patrick Henry proposed his resolutions in 1765, against the Stamp Act, Mr. Lee lent the full force of his splendid mind and eloquence to their support. In the debate upon this important act people knew not which most to admire; the overwhelming might of Henry or the resistless persuasion of Lee. Mr. Lee also contributed powerful articles against the "odious act," to the newspapers of the day, and he furnished an array of arguments against it to his friends in England, that were sufficient to convince every one of the ruinous policy of the measure. His letters about this period are the embodiment of energy and patriotism. In one addressed to John Dickinson, dated July 25th, 1768, in speaking of the declaratory act which accompanied the repeal of the Stamp Act, as a just cause of complaint to the colonies, he says:-

* At this time two parties divided the House of Burgesses. Although they could not be strictly termed “whig and tory," they were called aristocratic and republican. Mr. Lee was a firm and ardent republican, in the sense in which that ord might be applied to Cato or Hampden.