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The style of the government (we the people) was introduced, perhaps, to recommend it to the people at large; to those citizens who are to be levelled and degraded to the lowest degree, who are likened to a herd, and who, by the operation of this blessed system, are to be transformed from respectable, independent citizens, to abject, dependent subjects or slaves. The honorable gentleman has anticipated what we are to be reduced to, by degradingly assimilating our citizens to a herd.

energy that this happened? If two provinces | government, will cost this continent immense have paid nothing, what have not the rest done? sums. Double sets of collectors will double And have not these two provinces made other the expense. To these are to be added oppresexertions? Ought they, to avoid this inconve- sive excisemen and custom-house officers. Sir, nience, to have consolidated their different the people have an hereditary hatred to customStates, and have a ten miles square? Compare house officers. The experience of the mother that little spot, nurtured by liberty, with the country leads me to detest them. They have fairest country in the world. Does not Holland introduced their baneful influence into the adpossess a powerful navy and army, and a full ministration, and destroyed one of the most treasury? They did not acquire these by de- beautiful systems that ever the world saw. Our basing the principles and trampling on the forefathers enjoyed liberty there, while that rights of their citizens. Sir, they acquired system was in its purity, but it is now contamithese by their industry, economy, and by the nated by influence of every kind. freedom of their government. Their commerce is the most extensive in Europe; their credit is unequalled; their felicity will be an eternal monument of the blessings of liberty; every nation in Europe is taught by them what they are, and what they ought to be. The contrast between those nations and this happy people, is the most splendid spectacle for republicans, the greatest cause of exultation and triumph to the sons of freedom. While other nations, precipitated by the rage of ambition or folly, have, in the pursuit of the most magnificent projects, riveted the fetters of bondage on themselves and their descendants, these republicans have secured their political happiness and freedom. Where is there a nation to be compared to them? Where is there now, or where was there ever a nation, of so small a territory, and so few in number, so powerful, so wealthy, so happy? What is the cause of this superiority? Liberty, sir, the freedom of their government. Though they are now unhappily in some degree consolidated, yet they have my acclamations, when put in contrast with those millions of their fellow-men who lived and died slaves. The dangers of a consolidation ought to be guarded against in this country. I shall exert my poor talents to ward them off. Dangers are to be apprehended in whatever manner we proceed; but those of a consolidation are the most destructive. Let us leave no expedient untried to secure happiness; but whatever be our decision, I am consoled, if American liberty will remain entire only for half a century; and I trust that mankind in general, and our posterity in particular, will be compensated for every anxiety we now feel.

Another gentleman tells us, that no inconvenience will result from the exercise of the power of taxation by the general government; that two shillings out of ten may be saved by the impost; and that four shillings may be paid to the federal collector, and four to the State collector. A change of government will not pay money. If from the probable amount of the impost, you take the enormous and extravagant expenses, which will certainly attend the support of this great consolidated government, I elieve you will find no reduction of the public burdens by this new system. The splendid maintenance of the president and of the members of both Houses; and the salaries and fees of the swarm of officers and dependants on the

Here Mr. Randolph rose, and declared that he did not use that word to excite any odium, but merely to convey the idea of a multitude.

Mr. Henry replied, that it made a deep impression on his mind, and that he verily believed, that system would operate as he had said. [Ho then continued]-I will exchange that abominable word for requisitions; requisitions which gentlemen affect to despise, have nothing degrading in them. On this depends our political prosperity. I never will give up that darling word, requisitions; my country may give it up; a majority may wrest it from me, but I will never give it up till my grave. Requisitions are attended with one singular advantage. They are attended by deliberation. They secure to the States the benefit of correcting oppressive errors. If our assembly thought requisitions erroneous, if they thought the demand was too great, they might at least supplicate Congress to reconsider, that it was a little too much. The power of direct taxation was called by the honorable gentleman the soul of the government: another gentleman called it the lungs of the government. We all agree, that it is the most important part of the body politic. If the power of raising money be necessary for the general government, it is no less so for the States. If money be the vitals of Congress, is it not precious for those individuals from whom it is to be taken? Must I give my soul, my lungs, to Congress? Congress must have our souls; the State must have our souls. This is dishonorable and disgraceful. These two coordinate, interfering, unlimited powers of har assing the community, are unexampled-unprecedented in history; they are the visionary projects of modern politicians: tell me not of imaginary means, but of reality: this political solecism will never tend to the benefit of the community. It will be as oppressive in practice as it is absurd in theory. If you part from this,

which the honorable gentleman tells you is the | By a bold implication, they said they had a soul of Congress, you will be inevitably ruined. right to bind us in all cases whatsoever. This I tell you, they shall not have the soul of Vir-constructive power we opposed, and successginia. They tell us, that one collector may fully. Thirteen or fourteen years ago, the most collect the federal and State taxes. The general important thing that could be thought of, was government being paramount to the State legis- to exclude the possibility of construction and latures, if the sheriff is to collect for both-his implication. These, sir, were then deemed right hand for the Congress, his left for the perilous. The first thing that was thought of, State his right hand being paramount over the was a bill of rights. We were not satisfied left, his collections will go to Congress. We with your constructive argumentative rights. will have the rest. Deficiencies in collections Mr. Henry then declared a bill of rights inwill always operate against the States. Con- dispensably necessary; that a general positive gress being the paramount, supreme power, provision should be inserted in the new system, must not be disappointed. Thus Congress will securing to the States and the people every have an unlimited, unbounded command over right which was not conceded to the general the soul of this commonwealth. After satisfy-government; and that every implication should ing their uncontrolled demands, what can be be done away. It being now late, he concluded left for the States? Not a sufficiency even to by observing, that he would resume the subject defray the expense of their internal administra- another time. tion. They must therefore glide imperceptibly and gradually out of existence. This, sir, must naturally terminate in a consolidation. If this will do for other people, it never will do for

me.

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On the 9th, Mr. Henry continued his remarks as follows:

MR. CHAIRMAN: I find myself again constrainIf we are to have one representative for ed to trespass on the patience of this committee. every thirty thousand souls, it must be by im- I wish there was a prospect of union in our plication. The constitution does not positively sentiments; so much time would not then be secure it. Even say it is a natural implication, taken up. But when I review the magnitude why not give us a right to that proportion in of the subject under consideration, and of the express terms, in language that could not admit dangers which appear to me in this new plan of evasions or subterfuges? If they can use of government, and compare thereto my poor implication for us, they can also use implication abilities to secure our rights, it will take much against us. We are giving power; they are more time, in my poor unconnected way, to getting power: judge, then, on which side the traverse the objectionable parts of it; there are implication will be used. When we once put friends here who will be abler than myself to it in their option to assume constructive power, make good these objections which to us appear danger will follow. Trial by jury, and liberty well founded. If we recollect, on last Saturday, of the press, are also on this foundation of im- I made some observations on some of those plication. If they encroach on these rights, dangers, which these gentlemen would fain and you give your implication for a plea, you persuade us hang over the citizens of this comare cast; for they will be justified by the last monwealth, to induce us to change the governpart of it, which gives them full power "toment, and adopt the new plan. Unless there make all laws which shall be necessary and be great and awful dangers, the change is danproper to carry their powers into execution." gerous, and the experiment ought not to be Implication is dangerous, because it is un-made. In estimating the magnitude of these bounded: if it be admitted at all, and no limits be prescribed, it admits of the utmost extension. They say, that every thing that is not given is retained. The reverse of the proposition is true by implication. They do not carry their implication so far when they speak of the general welfare. No implication when the sweeping clause comes. Implication is only necessary when the existence of privileges is in dispute. The existence of powers is sufficiently established. If we trust our dearest rights to implication, we shall be in a very unhappy situation.

dangers, we are obliged to take a most serious view of them, to feel them, to handle them, and to be familiar with them. It is not sufficient to feign mere imaginary dangers; there must be a dreadful reality. The great question between us is, does that reality exist? These dangers are partially attributed to bad laws, execrated by the community at large. It is said the people wish to change the government. I should be happy to meet them on that ground. Should the people wish to change it, we should be innocent of the dangers. It is a fact, that the people do not wish to change their governImplication in England has been a source of ment. How am I to prove it? It will rest on dissension. There has been a war of implica- my bare assertion, unless supported by an in tion between the king and people. For one ternal conviction in men's breasts. My poor hundred years did the mother country struggle say-so is a mere nonentity. But, sir, I ain under the uncertainty of implication. The persuaded that four-fifths of the people of Virpeople insisted that their rights were implied:ginia must have amendments to the new plan, the monarch denied the doctrine. Their bill of to reconcile them to a change of their governrights in some degree terminated the dispute. I ment. Our assertions form but a slippery foun

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might go further; I might say, not from public authority, but good information, that his opinion is, that you reject this government. His character and abilities are in the highest estimation; he is well acquainted, in every respect, with this country; equally so with the policy of the European nations. This illustrious citizen advises you to reject this government, till it be amended. His sentiments coincide entirely with ours. His attachment to, and services done for this country, are well known. At a great distance from us, he remembers and studies our happiness. Living amidst splendor and dissipation, he thinks yet of bills of rightsthinks of those little despised things called maxims. Let us follow the sage advice of this common friend of our happiness. It is little usual for nations to send armies to collect debts. The house of Bourbon, that great friend of America, will never attack her for the unwilling delay of payment. Give me leave to say, that Europe is too much engaged about ob

I will not repeat what the gentlemen say, but will mention one thing. There is a dispute between us and the Spaniards, about the right of navigating the Mississippi. This dispute has sprung from the federal government. I wish a great deal to be said on this subject. I wish to know the origin and progress of the business, as it would probably unfold great dangers. In my opinion, the preservation of that river calls for our most serious consideration. It has been agitated in Congress. Seven States have voted so as that it is known to the Spaniards, that under our existing system the Mississippi shall be taken from them. Seven States wished to relinquish this river to them. The six Southern States opposed it. Seven States not being sufficient to convey it away, it remains now ours.jects of greater importance to attend to us. On If I am wrong, there are a number on this floor who can contradict the facts; I will readily retract. This new government, I conceive, will enable. those States, who have already discovered their inclination that way, to give away this river. Will the honorable gentleman advise us to relinquish this inestimable navigation, and place formidable enemies to our backs? This weak, this poor confederation cannot secure us. We are resolved to take shelter under the shield of federal authority in America. The southern parts of America have been protected by that weakness so much execrated. I hope this will be explained. I was not in Congress when these transactions took place. I may not have stated every fact. I may have misrepresented matters. I hope to be fully acquainted with every thing relative to the subject. Let us hear how the great and important right of navigating that river has been attended to; and whether I am mistaken in my opinion, that federal measures will lose it to us for ever. If a bare majority of Congress can make laws, the situation of our western citizens is dreadful.

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that great theatre of the world the little American matters vanish. Do you believe, that the mighty monarch of France, beholding the greatest scenes that ever engaged the attention of a prince of that country, will divert himself from those important objects, and now call for a settlement of accounts with America? This proceeding is not warranted by good sense. The friendly_disposition to us, and the actual situation of France, render the idea of danger from that quarter absurd. Would this country. man of ours be fond of advising us to a measure which he knew to be dangerous, and can it be reasonably supposed, that he can be ignorant of any premeditated hostility against this country? The honorable gentleman may suspect the account, but I will do our friend the justice to say that he would warn us of any danger from France.

Do you suppose the Spanish monarch will risk a contest with the United States, when his feeble colonies are exposed to them? Every advance the people here make to the westward, makes him tremble for Mexico and Peru. Despised as we are among ourselves under our present government, we are terrible to that monarchy. If this be not a fact, it is generally said so.

We are threatened with danger for the nonpayment of the debt due to France. We have information from an illustrious citizen of Virginia, who is now in Paris, which disproves the We are in the next place frightened by dansuggestions of such danger. This citizen has gers from Holland. We must change our govnot been in the airy regions of theoretic specu-ernment to escape the wrath of that republic. lation; our ambassador is this worthy citizen. The ambassador of the United States of Ameriea is not so despised as the honorable gentleman would make us believe. A servant of a republic is as much respected as that of a monarch. The honorable gentleman tells us, that hostile fleets are to be sent to make reprisals apon us; our ambassador tells you, that the king of France has taken into consideration to enter into commercial regulations on reciprocal terms with us, which will be of peculiar advantage to us. Does this look like hostility? I

Holland groans under a government like this new one. A stadtholder, sir, a Dutch president has brought on that country miseries which will not permit them to collect debts with fleets or armies. The wife of a Dutch stadtholder brought one hundred thousand men against that republic, and prostrated all opposition. This president will bring miseries on us like those of Holland. Such is the condition of European affairs, that it would be unsafe for them to send fleets or armies to collect debts. But here, sir, they make a transition to objects of another

kind. We are presented with dangers of a very uncommon nature. I am not acquainted with the arts of painting. Some gentlemen have a peculiar talent for them. They are practised with great ingenuity on this occasion. As a counterpart to what we have already been intimidated with, we are told, that some lands have been sold which cannot be found; and that this will bring war on this country. Here the picture will not stand examination. Can it be supposed, that if a few land speculators and jobbers have violated the principles of probity, that it will involve this country in war? Is there no redress to be otherwise obtained, even admitting the delinquents and sufferers to be numerous? When gentlemen are thus driven to produce imaginary dangers, to induce this convention to assent to this change, I am sure it will not be uncandid to say, that the change itself is really dangerous. Then the Maryland compact is broken, and will produce perilous consequences. I see nothing very terrible in this. The adoption of the new system will not remove the evil. Will they forfeit good neighborhood with us, because the compact is broken? Then the disputes concerning the Carolina line are to involve us in dangers. A strip of land running from the westward of the Alleghany to the Mississippi, is the subject of this pretended dispute. I do not know the length or breadth of this disputed spot. Have they not regularly confirmed our right to it and relinquished all claims to it? I can venture to pledge, that the people of Carolina will never disturb us. The strength of this despised country has settled an immense tract of country to the westward. Give me leave to remark, that the honorable gentleman's observations on our frontiers, north and south, east and west, are all inaccurate.

Will Maryland fight against this country for seeking amendments? Were there not sixty members in that State who went in quest of amendments? Sixty against eight or ten were in favor of pursuing amendments. Shall they fight us for doing what they themselves have done? They have sought amendments, but differently from the manner in which I wish amendments to be got. The honorable gentleman may plume himself on this difference. Will they fight us for this dissimilarity? Will they fight us for seeking the object they seek themselves? When they do, it will be time for me to hold my peace. Then, sir, comes Pennsylvania, in terrible array. Pennsyivania is to go in conflict with Virginia. Pennsylvania has been a good neighbor heretofore. She is federal--something terrible: Virginia cannot look her in the face. If we sufficiently attend to the actual situation of things, we will conclude that Pennsylvania will do what we do. A number of that country are strongly opposed to it. Many of them have lately been convinced of its fatal tendency. They are disgorged of their federalism. I beseech you to bring this matter home to yourselves. Was there a possibility for the people

of that State to know the reasons of adopting that system or understand its principles, in so very short a period after its formation? This is the middle of June. Those transactions happened last August. The matter was circulated by every effort of industry, and the most precipitate measures taken to hurry the people inte an adoption. Yet now, after having had several months since to investigate it, a very large part of this community-a very great majority of this community, do not understand it. I have heard gentlemen of respectable abilities declare they did not understand it. If after great pains, men of high learning, who have received the aid of a regular education, do not understand it; if the people of Pennsylvania understood it in so short a time, it must have been from intuitive understandings, and uncommon acuteness of perception. Place yourselves in their situation; would you fight your neighbors for considering this great and awful matter? If you wish for real amendments, such as the security of the trial by jury, it will reach the hearts of the people of that State. Whatever may be the disposition of the aristocratical politicians of that country, I know there are friends of human nature in that State. If so, they will never make war on those who make professions of what they are attached to themselves.

As to the danger arising from borderers, it is mutual and reciprocal. If it be dangerous for Virginia, it is equally so for them. It will be their true interest to be united with us. The danger of our being their enemies, will be a prevailing argument in our favor. It will be as powerful to admit us into the Union, as a vote of adoption without previous amendments could possibly be.

Then the savage Indians are to destroy us. We cannot look them in the face. The danger is here divided; they are as terrible to the other States as to us: but, sir, it is well known that we have nothing to fear from them. Our back settlers are considerably stronger than they, and their superiority increases daily. Suppose the States to be confederated all around us, what we want in number, we shall make up otherwise. Our compact situation and natural strength will secure us. But to avoid all dangers, we must take shelter under the federal government. Nothing gives a decided importance but this federal government. You will sip sorrow, according to the vulgar phrase, if you want any other security than the laws of Virginia.

A number of characters of the greatest eminence in this country, object to this government, for its consolidating tendency. This is not imaginary. It is a formidable reality. If consolidation proves to be as mischievous to this country as it has been to other countries, what will the poor inhabitants of this country do? This government will operate like an ambuscade. It will destroy the State governments, and swallow up the liberties of the people, without giving them previous notice.

.f gentlemen are willing to run the hazard, let them run it; but I shall exculpate myself by my opposition, and monitory warnings within these walls. But then comes paper money. We are at peace on this subject. Though this is a thing which that mighty federal convention had no business with, yet I acknowledge that paper money would be the bane of this country. I detest it. Nothing can justify a people in resorting to it, but extreme necessity. It is at rest, however, in this commonwealth. It is no longer solicited or advocated.

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Sir, I ask you, and every other gentleman who hears me, if he can restrain his indignation at a system, which takes from the State legislatures the care and preservation of the inter-less it be amended. Let us take a review of the ests of the people; one hundred and eighty representatives, the choice of the people of Virginia, cannot be trusted with their interests. They are a mobbish, suspected herd. This country has not virtue enough to manage its own internal interests. These must be referred to the chosen ten. If we cannot be trusted with the private contracts of the citizens, we must be depraved indeed. If he can prove, that, by one uniform system of abandoned principles, the legislature has betrayed the rights of the people, then let us seek another shelter. So degrading an indignity-so flagrant an outrage on the States-so vile a suspicion is humiliating to my mind, and many others.

Will the adoption of this new plan pay our debts? This, sir, is a plain question, It is inferred, that our grievances are to be redressed, and the evils of the existing system to be removed by the new constitution. Let me inform the honorable gentleman, that no nation ever paid its debts by a change of government, without the aid of industry. You never will pay your debts but by a radical change of domestic economy. At present, you buy too much, and make too little to pay. Will this new system promote manufactures, industry, and frugality? If, instead of this, your hopes and designs will be disappointed, you relinquish a great deal, and hazard infinitely more for nothing. Will it enhance the value of your lands? Will it lessen your burdens? Will your looms and wheels go to work by the act of adoption? If it will in its consequences produce these things, it will consequently produce a reform, and enable you to pay your debts. Gentlemen must prove it. I am a sceptic-an infidel on this point. I cannot conceive that it will have these happy consequences. I cannot confide in assertions and allegations. The evils that attend us, lie in extravagance and want of industry, and can only be removed by assiduity and economy. Perhaps we shall be told by gentlemen, that these things will happen, because the administration is to be taken from us, and placed in the hands of the luminous few, who will pay different attention, and be more studiously careful than we can be supposed to be. With respect to the economical operation of the new government, I will only remark, that

the national expenses will be increased-if not
doubled, it will approach it very near. I might,
without incurring the imputation of illiberality
or extravagance, say, that the expense will be
multiplied tenfold. I might tell you of a nu-
merous standing army; a great, powerful navy;
a long and rapacious train of officers and de-
pendents, independent of the president, sena-
tors and representatives, whose compensations
are without limitation. How are our debts to
be discharged unless the taxes are increased,
when the expenses of government are so greatly
augmented? The defects of this system are so
numerous and palpable, and so many States
object to it, that no union can be expected, un-
facts. New Hampshire and Rhode Island have
rejected it. They have refused to become fede-
ral. New York and North Carolina are re-
ported to be strongly against it. From high
authority, give me leave to tell, that New York
is in high opposition. Will any gentleman say
that North Carolina is not against it? They
may say so, but I say that the adoption of it,
in those two States, amounts to entire uncer-
tainty. The system must be amended before
these four States will accede to it. Besides,
there are several other States who are dissatis-
fied, and wish alterations. Massachusetts has,
in decided terms, proposed amendments; but
by her previous ratification, has put the cart
before the horse. Maryland instituted a com-
mittee to propose amendments.
It then ap-
pears, that two States have actually refused to
adopt-two of those who have adopted, have a
desire of amending. And there is a probability
of its being rejected by New York and North
Carolina. The other States have acceded with-
out proposing amendments. With respect to
them, local circumstances have, in my judg-
ment, operated to produce its unconditional,
instantaneous adoption. The locality of the
seat of government, ten miles square, and the
seat of justice, with all their concomitant emo-
luments, operated so powerfully with the first
adopting State, that it was adopted without
taking time to reflect. We are told that nu-
merous advantages will result from the con-
centration of the wealth and grandeur of the
United States in one happy spot, to those who
will reside in or near it. Prospects of profit
and emoluments have a powerful influence on
the human mind. We, sir, have no such pro-
jects as that of a grand seat of government for
thirteen States, and perhaps for one hundred
States hereafter. Connecticut and New Jersey
have their localities also. New York lies be-
tween them. They have no ports, and are not
importing States. New York is an importing
State, and taking advantage of its situation,
makes them pay duties for all the articles of
their consumption: thus, these two States being
obliged to import all they want, through the
medium of New York, pay the particular taxes
of that State. I know the force and effect of
reasoning of this sort, by experience. When

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