could come under our consideration. We are not debating how much money we shall raise, what laws we shall pass for the regulation of property, nor on any thing of the same kind that arises in the usual parliamentary course of business. We are now to determine whether a step shall be taken that may produce an entire change of our constitution. credit of any man's opinion, when by a small | the time we were elected, that this matter delay, that can do no harm, the steps we are to take may become more safe. Gideon, though he had conversed with "an angel of the Lord," would not attempt to relieve his countrymen, then sorely oppressed by the Midianites, lest he should involve them in greater miseries, until he was convinced by two miracles, that he should be successful. I do not say, we ought to wait for miracles; but I think, we ought to wait for some things which will be next kin to a miracle; I mean some sign of favorable disposition in the ministry towards us. I should like to see an olive leaf at least, brought to us before we quit our ark. Permit me, sir, to make one proposal to the House. We may apply to the Crown now, as freely as if we were under its immediate government. Let us desire his majesty's judgment on the point, that has occasioned this unhappy difference between the two branches of the legislature.* This may be done without any violence, without any hazard to our constitution. We say, the justice of our demands is clear as light; every heart must feel the equity of them. If the decision be in our favor, we gain a considerable victory; the grand obstruction of the public service is removed; and we shall have more leisure to carry our intentions coolly into execution. If the decision be against us, I believe the most zealous of us will grant it would be madness to expect success in any other contest. This will be a single point, and cannot meet with such difficulties, as the procuring a total alteration of the government. Therefore by separating it from other matters, we shall soon obtain a determination, and know what chance we have of succeeding in things of greater value. Let us try our fortune. Let us take a cast or two of the dice for smaller matters, before we dip deeply. Few gamesters are of so sanguine a temper as to stake their whole wealth on one desperate throw at first. If we are to play with the public happiness, let us act at least with as much deliberation, as if we were betting out of our private purses. Perhaps a little delay may afford us the pleasure of finding our constituents more unanimous in their opinions on this interesting occasion, and I should choose to see a vast majority of them join, with a calm resolution, in the measure, before I should think myself justifiable in voting for it, even if I approved of it. The present question is utterly foreign from the purposes for which we were sent into this place. There was not the least probability, at This point was one of the stipulations' approved by the Crown, in favor of the proprietors, with respect to the taxation of their estate. The governor, one branch of the legis. lature, insisted upon inserting in the bill then under consideration, the words of the stipulation, and thus adhered to the stipulation. The House of Assembly, the other branch, of the legislature, insisted upon taxing the proprietary state, without being thus bound. In forming this determination, one striking reflection should be preserved in our minds; I mean, "that we are the servants of the people of Pennsylvania,"-of that people who have been induced by the excellence of the present constitution, to settle themselves under its protection. The inhabitants of remote countries, impelled by that love of liberty which all-wise Providence has planted in the human heart, deserting their native soil; committed themselves, with their helpless families, to the mercy of winds and waves, and braved all the terrors of an unknown wilderness, in hopes of enjoying in these woods the exercise of those invaluable rights, which some unhappy circumstances had denied to mankind in every other part of the earth. Thus, sir, the people of Pennsylvania may be said to have purchased an inheritance, in its constitution, at a prodigious price; and I cannot believe, unless the strongest evidence be offered, that they are now willing to part with that, which has cost them so much toil and expense. They have not hitherto been disappointed in their wishes. They have obtained the blessings they sought for. We have received these seats by the free choice of this people under this constitution, and to preserve it in its utmost purity and vigor, has always been deemed by me a principal part of the trust committed to my care and fidelity. The measure now proposed has a direct tendency to endanger this constitution, and, therefore, in my opinion, we have no right to engage in it without the almost universal consent of the people, expressed in the plainest manner. I think I should improperly employ the attention of this House if I should take up much time in proving that the deputies of a people have not a right, by any law, divine or human, to change the government under which their authority was delegated to them, without such a consent as has been mentioned. The position is so consonant to natural justice and common sense, that I believe it never has been seriously controverted. All the learned authors that I recollect to have mentioned this matter, speak of it as an indisputable maxim. It may be said, perhaps, in answer to this objection, "that it is not intended to change the government, but the governor." This, I apprehend, is a distinction only in words. The government is certainly to be changed from proprietary to royal, and whatever may be intended, the question is, whether such a change | exercised over us? Does it become us to paint will not expose our present privileges to danger. in the strongest colors the follies or the crimes It may also be said, "that the petitions lying of our countrymen? To require unnecessary on the table are a proof of the people's con- protection against men who intend us no injury, sent." Can petitions, so industriously carried in such loose and general expressions as may about, and after all the pains taken, signed only produce even the establishment of an armed by about thirty-five hundred persons, be looked force among us? on as the plainest expressions of the almost universal consent of the many thousands that fill this province? No one can believe it. It cannot be denied, sir, that much the greatest part of the inhabitants of this province, and among them men of large fortunes, good sense, and fair characters, who value very highly the interest they have in the present constitution, have not signed these petitions, and as there is reason to apprehend, are extremely averse to a change at this time. Will they not complain of such a change? And if it is not attended with all the advantages they now enjoy, will they not have reason to complain? It is not improbable that this measure may lay the foundation of more bitter and more lasting dissensions among us, than any we have yet experienced. Before I close this catalogue of unhappy consequences, that I expect will follow our request of a change, I beg leave to take notice of the terms of the petition that is now under the consideration of the House. They equally excite in my breast, surprise, and grief, and terror. This poor province is already sinking under the weight of the discredit and reproaches, that by some fatality, for several years past, have attended our public measures; and we not only seize this unfortunate season to engage her in new difficulties, but prepare to pour on her devoted head a load that must effectually crush her. We inform the king, by this petition, that Pennsylvania is become a scene of confusion and anarchy; that armed mobs are marching from one place to another; that such a spirit of violence and riot prevails, as exposes his majesty's good subjects to constant alarms and danger; that this tumultuous disposition is so general that it cannot be controlled by any powers of the present government, and that we have not any hopes of returning to a state of peace and safety, but by being taken under his majesty's immediate protection. With unremitting vigilance, with undaunted virtue, should a free people watch against the encroachments of power, and remove every pretext for its extension. We are a dependent colony, and we need not doubt that means will be used to secure that dependence. But that we ourselves should furnish a reason for settling a military establishment upon us, must exceed the most extravagant wishes of those who would be most pleased with such a measure. We may introduce the innovation, but we shall not be able to stop its progress. The precedent will be pernicious. If a specious pretence is afforded for maintaining a small body of troops among us now, equally specious pretences will never be wanting hereafter, for adding to their numbers. The burthen that will be imposed on us for their support, is the most trifling part of the evil. The poison will soon reach our vitals, whatever struggles we may make to expel it. Hæret lateri lethalis arundo The dart with which we are struck will still remain fixed-too firmly fixed for our feeble hands to draw it out. Our fruitless efforts will but irritate the wound; and at length we must tamely submit to I quit a subject too painful to be dwelt upon. These, sir, are my sentiments on the petition that has occasioned this debate. I think this neither the proper season, nor the proper method, for obtaining a change of our government. It is uncertain whether the measures proposed will place us in a better situation than we are now in, with regard to the point lately controverted; with respect to other particulars, it may place us in a worse. We shall run the risk of suffering great losses. We have no certainty of gaining any thing. In seeking a precarious, hasty, violent remedy for the present partial disorder, we are sure of exposing the I cannot think this a proper representation whole body to danger. I cannot perceive the of the present state of this province. Near necessity of applying such a remedy. If I did, four months are elapsed since the last riot, I would with the greatest pleasure pass over to and I do not perceive the least probability of the opinion of some gentlemen who differ from our being troubled with any more. The rioters me, whose integrity and abilities I so much were not only successfully opposed and pre-esteem, that whatever reasons at any time invented from executing their purpose, but we have reason to believe that they were convinced of their error, and have renounced all thoughts of such wild attempts for the future. To whose throat is the sword now held? What life will be saved by this application? Imaginary danger! Vain remedy! Have we not sufficiently felt the effects of royal resentment? Is not the authority of the Crown fully enough fluence me to agree with them, I always receive a satisfaction from being on their side. If I have erred now, I shall comfort myself with reflecting, that it is an innocent error. Should the measures pursued in consequence of this debate be opposite to my opinion, and should they procure a change of government, with all the benefits we desire; I shall not envy the praise of others, who, by their fortunate cou rage and skill, have conducted us unhurt through the midst of such threatening dangers to the wished-for port. I shall cheerfully submit to the censure of having been too apprehensive of injuring the people of this province. If any severer sentence shall be passed upon me by the worthy, I shall be sorry for it; but this truth I am convinced of, that it will be much easier for me to bear the unmerited reflections of mistaken zeal, than the just reproaches of a guilty mind. To have concealed my real sentiments, or to have counterfeited such as I do not entertain, in a deliberation of so much consequence as the present, would have been the basest hypocrisy. It may perhaps be thought that this, however, would have been the most politic part for me to have acted. It might have been so. But if policy requires that our words or actions should belie our hearts, I thank God that I detest and despise ali its arts and all its advantages. A good man ought to serve his country, even though sho resents his services. The great reward of honest actions is not the fame or profit that follows them, but the consciousness that attends them. To discharge, on this important occasion, the inviolable duty I owe the public, by obeying the unbiassed dictates of my reason and conscience, hath been my sole view; and my only wish now is, that the resolutions of this House, whatever they are, may promote the happiness of Pennsylvania. THE DECLARATION ON TAKING UP ARMS. | very constitution of that kingdom, and desperate of success in any mode of contest where regard should be had to truth, law, or right, have at length, deserting those, attempted to effect their cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence, and have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last apthat assembly may be, by their intemperate peal from reason to arms. Yet, however blinded On the twenty-third of June, 1775, Congress delegated John Rutledge, William Livingston, Doctor Franklin, John Jay, and Thomas Johnson, "to draw up a declaration, to be published by General Washington upon his arrival at the camp before Boston." The next day they reported a draft, which, after being debated, was referred for further consideration on the follow-rage for unlimited domination, so to slight ing Monday. On that day it was recommitted, and John Dickinson and Thomas Jefferson were added to the committee. The final draft was laid before Congress on the sixth of July, 1775, and after being "read and debated by para- | graphs," was adopted. Mr. Dickinson was the author of the declaration, which is as follows:* justice and the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations of respect to the rest of the world, to make known the justice of our cause. Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of Great Britain, left their native land to seek on these shores a residence for civil and religious freedom. At the expense of their blood; at the hazard of their fortunes; without the least charge to the country from which they removed; by unceasing labor and an unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements in the distant and inun-hospitable wilds of America, then filled with numerous and warlike nations of barbarians. Societies or governments, vested with perfect legislatures, were formed under charters from the Crown, and an harmonious intercourse was established between the colonies and the kingdom from which they derived their origin. The mutual benefits of this union became in a short time so extraordinary as to excite astonishment. It is universally confessed, that the amazing increase of the wealth, strength, and navigation of the realm, arose from this source; and the minister who so wisely and successfully directed the measures of Great Britain in the late war, publicly declared that these colonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies. Towards the conclusion of that war, it pleased our sovereign to make a change in his counsels. From that fatal moment, the affairs of the British empire began to fall into If it was possible for men who exercise their reason to believe, that the Divine Author of our existence intended a part of the human race to hold an absolute property in, and an bounded power over others, marked out by his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a legal domination never rightfully resistable, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from the Parliament of Great Britain some evidence, that this dreadful authority has been granted to that body. But a reverence for our great Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates of common sense, must convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that government was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for the attainment of that end. The legislature of Great Britain, however, stimulated by an inordinate passion for a power not only unjustifiable, but which they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the Journals of Congress, 1775. confusion, and gradually sliding from the summit of glorious prosperity to which they had been advanced, by the virtues and abilities of one man, are at length distracted by the convulsions that now shake its deepest foundations. The new ministry, finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and of then subduing her faithful friends. These devoted colonies were judged to be in .such a state as to present victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of statutable plunder. The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and respectful behavior, from the beginning of colonization; their dutiful, zealous, and useful services during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most honorable manner by his majesty, by the late king and by parliament, could not save them from the meditated innovations. Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious project, and assuming a new power over them, have, in the course of eleven years, given such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt concerning the effects of acquiescence under it. They have undertaken to give and grant our money without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property; statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty, and vice-admiralty, beyond their ancient limits; for depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable privilege of trial by jury in cases affecting both life and property; for suspending the legislature of one of the colonies; for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another, and for altering, fundamentally, the form of government established by charter and secured by acts of its own legislature, solemnly confirmed by the Crown; for exempting the "murderers" of colonists from legal trial, and in effect, from punishment; for erecting in a neighboring province, acquired by the joint arms of Great Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence, and for quartering soldiers upon the colon.sts in time of profound peace. It has also been resolved in parliament, that colonists charged with committing certain offences, shall be transported to England to be tried. But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By one statute it is declared that parliament can "of right, make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever." What is to defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it is chosen by us, or is subject to our control or influence; but on the contrary they are all of them exempt from the operation of such laws, and an American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is raised, would actually lighten their own burdens, in proportion as they increase ours. We saw the misery to which such despotism would reduce us. We, for ten years, incessantly and ineffectually besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated with parliament in the most mild and decent language. Administration, sensible that we should regard these oppressive measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to enforce them. The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is true, but it was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal and affectionate people. A congress of delegates from the united colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last September. We resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful petition to the king, and also addressed our fellow-subjects of Great Britain. We have pursued every temperate, every respectful measure; we have even pro ceeded to break off our commercial intercourse with our fellow-subjects, as the last peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth should supplant our attachment to liberty. This, we flattered ourselves, was the ultimate step of the controversy, but subsequent events have shown how vain was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies. Several threatening expressions against the colonies were inserted in his majesty's speech; our petition, though we were told it was a decent one, and that his majesty had been pleased to receive it graciously, and to promise laying it before his parliament, was huddled into both houses among a bundle of American papers and there neglected. The lords and commons in their address, in the month of February, said, that "a rebellion at that time actually existed within the province of Massachusetts Bay, and that those concerned in it had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and engagements, entered into by his majesty's subjects in several of the other colonies; and, therefore, they besought his majesty that he would take the most effectual measures to enforce due obedience to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature." Soon after, the commercial intercourse of whole colonies with foreign countries and with each other, was cut off by an act of parliament; by another, several of them were entirely prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near their coasts, on which they always depended for their subsistence, and large reinforcements of ships and troops were immediately sent over to General Gage. Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an illustrious band of the most distinguished peers and commoners, who nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to stay, or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these accumulated and unexampled outrages were hurried on. Equally fruitless was the interference of the city of London, of Bristol, and many other respectable towns, in our favor. Parliament adopted an insidious manoeuvre, calculated to divide us, to establish a perpetual auction of taxations, where colony should bid against colony, all of them uninformed what ransom would redeem their men, have wantonly burnt Charlestown, besides a considerable number of houses in other places; our ships and vessels are seized; the necessary supplies of provisions are intercepted, and he is exerting his utmost power to spread destruction and devastation around him. lives; and thus to extort from us, at the point | tial." His troops have butchered our countryof the bayonet, the unknown sums that should be sufficient to gratify, if possible to gratify, ministerial rapacity, with the miserable indulgence left to us of raising, in our own mode, the prescribed tribute. What terms more rigid and humiliating could have been dictated by remorseless victors to conquered enemies? In our circumstances to accept them would be to deserve them. We have received certain intelligence, that General Carleton, the Governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province and the Indians, to fall upon us; and we have but too much reason to apprehend, that schemes have been formed to excite domestic enemies against us. In brief, a part of these colonies now feel, and all of them are sure of feeling, as far as the vengeance of administration can inflict them, the complicated calamities of fire, sword, and famine. We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. The latter is our choice. WE HAVE COUNTED THE COST OF THIS CONTEST, AND FIND NOTHING SO DREADFUL AS VOLUNTARY SLAVERY! Honor, justice and humanity forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them. Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings arrived on this continent, General Gage, who, in the course of the last year, had taken possession of the town of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts Bay, and still occupied it as a garrison, on the nineteenth day of April, sent out from that place a large detachment of his army, who made an unprovoked assault on the inhabitants of the said province at the town of Lexington, as appears by the affidavits of a great number of persons, some of whom were officers and soldiers of that detachment, murdered eight of the inhabitants and wounded many others. From thence the troops pro- | ceeded, in warlike array, to the town of Concord, where they set upon another party of the inhabitants of the same province, killing several and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the country people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel aggression. Hostilities, thus commenced by the British troops, have been since prosecuted by them, without regard to faith or reputation. The inhabitants of Boston Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our being confined within that town by the gene-internal resources are great, and, if necessary, ral, their governor, and having, in order to foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. procure their dismission, entered into a treaty We gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances with him; it was stipulated that the said in- of Divine favor towards us, that his providence habitants having deposited their arms with would not permit us to be called into this their own magistrates, should have liberty to severe controversy, until we were grown up to depart, taking with them their other effects. our present strength, had been previously exThey accordingly delivered up their arms, but ercised in warlike operations, and possessed the in open violation of honor, in defiance of the means of defending ourselves. With hearts forobligation of treaties, which even savage nations tified by these animating reflections, we most esteem sacred, the governor ordered the arms solemnly, before God and the world, DECLARE, deposited as aforesaid, that they might be pre- that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers, served for their owners, to be seized by a body which our beneficent Creator has graciously beof soldiers, detained the greatest part of the stowed upon us, the arms we have been cominhabitants in the town, and compelled the few pelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in who were permitted to retire, to leave their defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmmost valuable effects behind. ness and perseverance, employ for the preservation of our liberties; being with one mind resolved to die freemen rather than to live slayes. By this perfidy wives are separated from their husbands, children from their parents, the aged and the sick from their relations and friends, who wish to attend and comfort them, and those who have been used to live in plenty, and even elegance, are reduced to deplorable distress. Last this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow-subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so The general, further emulating his ministerial long and so happily subsisted between us, and masters, by a proclamation bearing date on the which we sincerely wish to see restored. Netwelfth day of June, after venting the grossest cessity has not yet driven us into that desperate falsehoods and calumnies against the good peo-measure, or induced us to excite any other naple of these colonies, proceeds to "declare them all, either by name or description, to be rebels and traitors, to supersede the course of common law, and instead thereof to publish and order the use and exercise of the law mar tion to war agains them. We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain, and establishing independent States. We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable |