after the refusal of her husband-despising | of the spirit and principles of our truly invalu the appendages of brilliant royalty, when com- able constitution,-to respect and attention tc pared with the general good of mankind, her magistrates of our own choice; and finally, by enlarged mind, incapable of being confined by our example as well as precept, add to the real the shackles of the age, found a resource in happiness of our fellow-men and the particular her costly jewels, which she freely offered as glory of our common country. a pledge, to accomplish the glorious discovery of the fourth quarter of the globe!

And may these great principles in the end become instrumental in bringing about that To your sex, then, ladies, are we obliged to happy state of the world, when, from every yield the palm: had this great event depended human breast, joined by the grand chorus of altogether on our sex, it is not easy to guess the skies, shall arise with the profoundest revwhat our united fate had been at this moment.erence, that divinely celestial anthem of uniInstead of our present agreeable employment, versal praise,-"Glory to God in the highest; we might have been hewers of wood and draw-peace on earth; good will towards men."* ers of water to some mighty Pharaoh, whose tender mercies would have been cruelty. Your right, then, my fair auditory, to a large portion of the general joy, must be acknowledged to be of a superior kind.

Do you, my worthy fellow-citizens, of every description, wish for more lasting matter of pleasure and satisfaction in contemplating the great events brought to your minds this day? Extend, then, your views to a distant period of future time. Look forward a few years, and behold our extended forests (now a pathless wilderness) converted into fruitful fields and busy towns. Take into view the pleasing shores of our immense lakes, united to the Atlantic States by a thousand winding canals, and beautified with rising cities, crowded with innumerable peaceful fleets, transporting the rich produce from one coast to another.

Add to all this, what must most please every humane and benevolent mind, the ample provision thus made by the God of all flesh, for the reception of the nations of the earth, flying from the tyranny and oppression of the despots of the Old World, and say, if the prophecies of ancient times are not hastening to a fulfilment, when this wilderness shall blossom as a rosethe heathen be given to the Great Redeemer as his inheritance, and these uttermost parts of the earth for his possession.

Who knows but the country for which we have fought and bled, may hereafter become a theatre of greater events than yet have been known to mankind?

*Shortly after the delivery of this oration it was published, and, in the following language dedicated to General Washington: The great respect due to your public character, as the first servant of a nation of freemen, greatly heightened by a knowledge of the amiableness of your deportment in private life, have been additional arguments with me to dedicate an oration to you, which, however inadequate to the purpose, was designed to promote a reverence for that happy revolution, in which Divine Providence has been pleased to make you so peculiar an instrument. tution, and from thence to inculcate the necessity of a free, firm, and energetic government, in which liberty shall rise superior to licentiousness, and obedience to the laws become the best evidence of attachment to the independence of our common country, cannot but meet with your approbation.

"A frequent recurrence to the first principles of our consti

"This is the great object designed by instituting the anniversary of the Fourth of July, one thousand seven hundred and seventy-six, as a festival, to be sacredly observed by every true American. This is the day chosen by the defenders of our country, your friends and companions in arms, to meet together and rejoice in the recollection of past labors, while they receive the glorious reward of their services, by looking forward to the increasing prosperity of the Union, secured by their united exertions.

"It arose from a desire that this jubilee might be improved to continue those principles to posterity, which led them to arm in defence of their most invaluable privileges, that the society in this State instituted an oration on this anniversary, to commemorate the successful result of their sufferings, and to perpetuate a constitution founded on the rights of men, as men and citizens.

"You, sir, as their head, must enjoy, in a very peculiar manner, the contemplation of these blessings, and to you

every attempt in this important service will be most properly dedicated.

May these invigorating prospects lead us to the exercise of every virtue, religious, moral "Long may you personally experience their benign effects and political. May we be roused to a circum-long may you live to testify, by a successful practice, the spect conduct, to an exact obedience to the truth of the theory established by your struggles in the laws of our own making,-to the preservation cause of universal liberty."

NON-INTERCOURSE WITH GREAT BRITAIN.

On the eleventh of April, 1794, the House of Representatives having resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, on the motion of the seventh instant,* Mr. Boudinot rose and said:

friend's close consideration of this subject, beseech him, as well as the other gentlemen of and seriously for a few moments, before the die the committee, to join in attending to it calmly is cast. I owe much, on behalf of my country, to that gentleman, for his services in the field during the late war, when both his zeal and his passions were rendered so eminently useful; I can with pleasure apologize at all times for his warmth and animation on any subject, when our common country is not to be affected. But will he permit me earnestly to request, that, with other members, he will call to mind, that we are now the representatives of four millions of people? Perhaps the lives of thousands of our fellow-citizens are depending on a single

MR. CHAIRMAN,—When the fate of a nation of as much consequence as the United States, appears to be suspended on a vote, the least to be expected from gentlemen is, to act with freedom, deliberation, and independence. I suppose I shall be among those, who, at the taking of the question, will probably be found in the minority. This will be my vote, if I am convinced that I shall be single and alone. I feel myself deeply and seriously affected with a view of the precipice, on which, in my appre-vote. The welfare of a country dearer to them hension, my country seems to stand, and I wish, for my own part, to take a full and deliberate view of it, before I join in precipitating a leap that may not add to her safety or happiness. Reasoning, and not declamation, is to be expected from gentlemen in favor of the measure under consideration.

I shall address myself to the judgments, and not to the passions of the committee. I acknowledge it may fall to my lot to mistake the true and essential interests of my country; but if this should be the case, I have the satisfaction of knowing that it will arise from the most honest and upright intentions. It is, therefore, on these principles that I shall proceed in giving my opinion on the important resolution on the table.

But, before I proceed fürther, I must not forget the respectful compliment paid yesterday, by my honorable friend from Maryland (Mr. Smith), to my moderation and gray hairs; indeed, I should not have taken it to myself, as I have the honor of having white instead of gray hairs, had not Mr. S.'s attention been immediately fixed on me. If either age or moderation will command my worthy

The motion was submitted by Abraham Clark, a member from New Jersey, and, being amended, passed the House on the twenty-first of April, 1794. It is as follows: "Resolved, That until the government of Great Britain shall cause restitution to be made for all losses and damages sustained by the citizens of the United States from armed ves

sels, or from any person or persons acting under commission tions, and in violation of the rights of neutrality; and also, until all the posts now held and detained by the king of Great Britain, within the territories of the United States,

or authority of the British king, contrary to the laws of na

shall be surrendered and given up, all commercial inter

course between the citizens of the United States and the subjects of the king of Great Britain, so far as the same

than life is at stake. Gentlemen must, therefore, agree that the question is a serious one, and deserves to be treated with the most serious and deliberate consideration. Judgment, and not resentment, must direct the final determination, let it be what it may, and give a sanction to all your measures.

The gentlemen against the question have been accused of want of propriety, in looking calmly, and without the exercise of their passions, on the sufferings of the unhappy prisoners at Algiers, and the piratical spoliations of our fellow-citizens in the West Indies. Yes, sir; when I know it is neither passion nor declamation that can afford effective relief to these suffering members of the political body, I shall continue to persist in that steady, serious, and deliberate line of conduct, that, in my estimation, is alone calculated to produce that permanent and efficient aid and relief, which their extreme distress so loudly calls for; but, in my turn, I ask the gentlemen to give up their warmth on this occasion, that they may also reflect, even without passion, on the number of their fellow-citizens that must fall a sacrifice in the most successful war. Will not the gentlemen weigh well that vote, that may possibly increase the number of mourning widows and helpless orphans?

These considerations lead me to consider the measure now proposed, as of great moment and importance, and to wish it may be reasoned or and considered in a manner becoming the leg.. islators and representatives of United America, who have been sent here as her counsellors and trustees, and to whom she has committed her best and most sacred interests.

For argument's sake, and to simplify the debate, lest I may be drawn into unnecessary disreputation, I will concede for the present, the constitutionality of the resolution proposed; the right of the committee to originate and determine on the measure; the unprovoked aggressions of Great Britain to warrant and justify the prohibition.

spects articles of growth or manufacture of Great Britain or Ireland, shall be prohibited: Provided, such prohibition shall not extend to vessels or their cargoes, arriving in any of the ports of the United States, before the day of next."-Journals of Congress, 1794.

These arguments had been repeated and urg-| same misfortunes, and our fellow-citizens to a ed with great apparent force, by gentlemen in | repetition of sufferings, by a measure that pro favor of the affirmative side of the question; mises not one important advantage to the Union, but, are the principles arising from these facts that I have heard of? In the late war, Amerisufficient to justify a determination in favor of ca had all the ports and harbors of the other so harsh and unprecedented a proceeding, with- European nations open to her; but now cirout previously demanding an explanation and cumstances will be altered; in case of a war, fuil indemnification, agreeably to the customs the very reverse will be our position, excepting and usages of other nations? as to those of France.

I confess that my arguments are founded on the conviction that the resolution is a measure that will necessarily produce war; immediate, inevitable war.

Will arguments of this kind satisfy our constituents, if they find themselves suddenly plunged into an expensive and ruinous war? Will it not very naturally be asked, Why were not the true interests of the United States under these ex- My reasons are drawn from the present state isting circumstances carefully inquired into, of Great Britain, being in alliance with the and made the principal and leading object of principal powers of Europe, and under treaties attentive consideration? In my opinion, this to make all wars, arising from the united opposhould peculiarly be the sum of our present in-sition to France, a common cause. quiry, Is it not the duty of the committee critically to examine into the preparation they are in for a step, that, in the imagination of some gentlemen of character and reputation, at the last, may precipitate our country into an immediate war? Are our ports and harbors in any tolerable state of defence? Are our magazines and arsenals properly supplied? Are our citizens in a state of organization as militia? In short, does not the measure threaten a sudden transition from a state of profound peace and happiness, unequalled by any nation, into a state of war and bloodshed, without taking those previous and prudent measures that may probably lead to an avoidance of this national evil, or at all events enable us to meet it with decision and effect?

Gentlemen have referred the committee to the conduct of America in 1776, and the success of the late war has been urged for our encouragement. The non-importation agreement has been recurred to as a precedent in point. I am well acquainted with most of the events of the late revolution. The first motions towards it, found me engaged in the common cause, and my best endeavors to complete and secure it, have never since been wanting. I well remember the consequences of the non-importation agreement, and the sufferings of our brave fellowcitizens from that imprudent measure. I have tracked them over the frozen ground by their blood, from the want of shoes, and am sensible that many had perished by the inclemency of the season, for want of tents and clothing. That agreement is universally reprobated, as a measure imprudently entered into on the principle of expecting to be involved in a war, which had it been then contemplated, nothing could have justified. I appeal to the knowledge of many men who hear me, that this agreement has often been urged to Great Britain, as a conclusive evidence, that, at the time of its adoption, America had not the least intention of independence, or a separation from the mother country; etherwise, she could never have been guilty of so impolitic a resolution. I ask then, if the committee will now repeat the mistake with their eyes open, and expose our country to the

The necessity she would have of employing her supernumerary hands, if not in manufactures, in her armies and navies, to prevent trouble at home, added to her old grudge against us on account of principles that promise much trouble to all the monarchs of Europe; her late conduct with regard to our trade, founded or the instructions of the 8th of June, and 6th of November last: her withholding the posts, contrary to any principle of justice and good faith, and against the most positive assurances; and lastly, from the anxiety to regain the territory between the Lakes and the Mississippi;-I agree that neither of these singly, nor even the whole together, could justify her in her own opinion, in making an open attack upon us, but might tempt her to construe the measure before the committee into an act of hostility on our part, as contrary to our professed neutrality.

It is a point conceded in the laws of nations, that granting to one of the belligerent powers advantages in your ports which are refused to another, is a breach of neutrality.

The object with Great Britain will be, to convince her allies, that the aggression arose on account of the war with France, to prevail on them to make it a common cause; and in this they will not want plausible evidence. It is not sufficient that we know ourselves innocent of the charge. We should be prudently careful not unnecessarily to give reason to justify the construction. If the previous steps of negotiation, used by all civilized nations, are neglected, they will have the advantage of the argument, and we shall injure ourselves. I ask if any gentleman will say that a prohibition of commerce at the eve of a war, or even the apprehension of it, is wisely calculated to clothe an army, replenish our magazines, supply our arsenals, or provide a revenue by which to support a

war.

I hope every member has taken the trouble I have, of looking into their stores, inquiring what is on hand, calculating what will be absolutely necessary, and reflecting seriously and dispassionately on the sources of supply. If they will, I doubt not but that they will find something more than passion and resentment

necessary to meet the probable consequences of so premature a determination.

superior wisdom, and this country has reaped the rich harvest of peace and happiness. But it may now be asked, if it is meant passively to submit to the injuries acknowledged on all hands to be sustained by the imperious and overbearing conduct of Great Britain? I answer no, by no means.

I would follow the examples and pursue the measures of other nations in like circumstances

It is no uncommon thing for gentlemen to differ on important measures; and I will not even insinuate that I may not be found wrong in these ideas, and wholly mistaken in my conjectures on this occassion, but I beg members to consider the different ground on which the two sides of the House stand. If the minority, of whom I expect to be one, shall in the end be-examples and measures founded in policy found to have been alarmed with consequences altogether unfounded, and if the issue proves successful to the peace of our common country, they will have the happiness of rejoicing with the majority in their superior wisdom and foresight; and though even they will suffer in character, yet their country will be saved. But if the minority shall in the end be right, and our country shall be deluged in a destructive war, and her best interests endangered by the discovery of the mistake, too late for redress, gentlemen in favor of the resolution will seriously regret that they had not, at least, used more caution.

As at present advised, I shall give my vote against the resolution. It is from a thorough conviction, on the most careful examination, that the resolution is against the interest and welfare of the United States, all circumstances considered. And this I shall do, wholly regardless of the malevolent insinuations, that Britain has an influence in this House. I feel a conscious dignity of mind, a virtuous pride of heart, in believing that not all the wealth of that opulent nation could purchase my influence to a single measure injurious to my country: and under this conviction I cannot believe there is a member of the committee in a different predicament.

and sound understanding. I would, by a special envoy, make known to that court our sense of her unwarrantable aggressions; I would demand immediate indemnification for the present, and security against future sufferings of a like nature-insist on a categorical answer, after applying to her justice and best interests; and if at last a war shall be the only means of obtaining justice, I would then, being previously prepared, meet it as becomes a free and independent nation, trusting to the righteousness of her cause.

By this means the other nations of Europe will be made acquainted with our complaints, become witnesses to our love of peace, and bear testimony to the justice of our appeal to arms. I have fully considered the question-I have viewed it in every point of light. I have endeavored to consider the consequences which most probably will arise from it, and I cannot convince my mind, that this measure will be productive of any good to the United States; while it offers many reasons to conclude, that it may be fraught with the greatest evil. In case of the most successful war, America has nothing to gain, while her loss of blood and treasure is sure and certain.

I once flattered myself that this was the only country on the globe, whose interest it was to I again repeat that I shall most sincerely re- be at peace with all the world, and at the same joice, if this measure is adopted, to find, in the time the interest of all the world to be at peace end, that my mind has viewed it as productive with us. But I fear we have been so much of consequences that are wholly unfounded; actuated by a resentment of injuries received, and although under my present view of this as to lose sight of our true interests under subject, considering it as inimical to my coun-existing circumstances, and therefore will be try, I am bound in conscience to vote against hurried into measures we may hereafter have it; yet the councils of America are directed by reason seriously to lament.

JOHN DICKINSON.

THE eminent subject of this memoir was born in Maryland, on the second day of November, old style, in the year 1732. He was the eldest son, by a second marriage, of Samuel Dickinson, who, while his son was yet a child, removed to the village of Dover, Delaware, where he subsequently occupied the first judgeship of the Court of Common Pleas. At an early age John was placed under the tuition of Mr. (afterward Chancellor) Kilen, of Delaware. Subsequently he studied law in the office of John Morland, at Philadelphia, and on the completion of his course with him, he visited England and entered the Temple in London. After remaining here about three years he returned to Philadelphia, and established himself in the practice of his profession.

In 1764 he entered upon the scenes of public life as a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly, where he soon established a reputation as a statesman of ability and powerful eloquence. The first occasion which elicited his oratorical powers, was the controversy between the Colonial Assembly and the proprietors, in which the latter claimed exemption from taxes on their estates. On the twenty-fourth of May, 1764, he delivered a masterly speech against a proposition made to petition the King for a change in the government of the province. He opposed the measure because he considered it "fraught with danger, and calculated to involve the province in a disastrous conflict with a superior power." His speech on that occasion is included in the present collection. In September of this year he published a Reply to a piece called the speech of Joseph Galloway, pretended to have been spoken in the Pennsylvania Assembly, in answer to Mr. Dickinson's speech of the May previous. This reply was a general refutation of the calumnies heaped upon the friends of proprietary government by the "insidious Galloway," and an able defence of the political course of Mr. Dickinson.

Mr. Dickinson was a member of the general Congress which met at New York in October, 1765, and in that capacity he prepared the resolutions of that body, announcing their opposition to the plans of the ministry of Great Britain, and the principles which they considered as natural and belonging to their system of government. The same year, during the stamp-act excitement, he published a pamphlet entitled The Late Regulations respecting the British Colonies on the Continent of America, considered in a Letter from a Gentleman in Philadelphia to his Friend in London; in which he exposed, with great spirit and elegance of composition, the impolitic tendency of the ministerial measures, and the discontent they would inevitably produce among the colonists. In concluding this rich production, he said, "The reflections of the colonists on these melancholy subjects are not a little embittered by a firm persuasion, that they never would have been treated as they are if Canada still continued in the hands of the French. Thus, their hearts glowing with every sentiment of duty and affection towards their mother contry, and expecting, not unreasonably, perhaps, some marks of tenderness in return, are porced by a fatal discovery, that the vigorous assistance which they faithfully afforded her in extending her dominions, has only proved the glorious but destructive cause of the calamities they now deplore and resent Yet still their resentment is but the resentment of dutiful