ORATION BEFORE THE CINCINNATI. THIS oration was delivered by Mr. Boudinot, | us, in a miraculous deliverance from a second at Elizabethtown, New Jersey, agreeably to a Egypt-another house of bondage. "And thou resolution of the State Society of Cincinnati,* on the Fourth of July, 1793. GENTLEMEN, BRETHREN, AND FELLOW-CITIZENS: Having devoutly paid the sacrifice of prayer and praise to that Almighty Being, by whose favor and mercy this day is peculiarly dedicated to the commemoration of events which fill our minds with joy and gladness, it becomes me, in obedience to the resolutions of our Society, to aim at a further improvement of this festival, by leading your reflections to the contemplation of those special privileges which attend the happy and important situation you now enjoy among the nations of the earth. Is there any necessity, fellow-citizens, to spend your time in attempting to convince you of the policy and propriety of setting apart this anniversary, for the purpose of remembering, with gratitude, the unexampled event of our political salvation? The cordial testimony you have borne to this institution for seventeen years past, supersedes the necessity of an attempt of this kind; and, indeed, if this had been the first instance of our commemorating the day, the practice of all nations and of all ages, would have given a sanction to the measure. The history of the world, as well sacred as profane, bears witness to the use and importance of setting apart a day as a memorial of great events, whether of a religious or political nature. No sooner had the great Creator of the heavens and the earth finished his almighty work, and pronounced all very good, but he set apart (not an anniversary, or one day in a year, but) one day in seven, for the commemoration of his inimitable power in producing all things out of nothing. The deliverance of the children of Israel from a state of bondage to an unreasonable tyrant, was perpetuated by the eating of the Paschal Lamb, and enjoining it to their posterity as an annual festival for ever, with a "remember this day, in which ye came out of Egypt, out of the house of bondage." The resurrection of the Saviour of mankind is commemorated by keeping the first day of the week, not only as a certain memorial of his first coming in a state of humiliation, but the positive evidence of his future coming in glory. Let us then, my friends and fellow-citizens, unite all our endeavors this day, to remember, with reverential gratitude to our supreme Benefactor, all the wonderful things he has done for See note at page 267. is kept as a day of joy and gladness, because shalt show thy son on this day, saying this day of the great things the Lord has done for us, when we were delivered from the threatening power of an invading foe. And it shall be a sign unto thee, upon thine hand, and for a memorial between thine eyes, that the law of the Lord may be in thy mouth, for with a strong hand hast thou been delivered from thine enemies: Thou shalt therefore keep this ordinance in its season, from year to year, for ever." When great events are to be produced in this our world, great exertions generally become necessary; men are therefore usually raised up, with talents and powers peculiarly adapted to the purposes intended by Providence, who often by their disinterested services and extreme sufferings, become the wonder as well as the examples of their generation. The obligations of mankind to these worthy characters, increase in proportion to the importance of the blessings purchased by their labors. It is not then an unreasonable expectation which, I well know, generally prevails, that this day should be usually devoted to the perpetuating and respectfully remembering the dignified characters of those great men, with whom it has been our honor to claim the intimate connection of fellow-citizens,-men who have purchased our present joyful circumstances at the invaluable price of their blood. But you must also acknowledge with me, that this subject has been so fully considered, and so ably handled by those eloquent and enlightened men who have gone before me in this honorable path, that had their superior abilities fallen to my lot, I could do but little more than repeat the substance of their observations and vary their language. Forgive me, ye spirits of my worthy, departed fellow-citizens! Patriots of the first magnitude, whose integrity no subtle arts of bribery and corruption could successfully assail; and whose fortitude and perseverance no difficulties or dangers could intimidate! Whose labors and sufferings in the common cause of our country-whose exploits in the field and wisdom in the cabinet, I have often been witness to, during a cruel and distressing war! Forgive, O Warren, Montgomery! and all the nameless heroes of your illustrious group! Forgive, that I omit on the present occasion, to follow the steps of those compatriots who have preceded me, but had rather spend this sacred hour in contemplating those great purposes which animated your souls in the severe conflict, and for which you fought and bled! Were you present to direct this day's meditations, would you not point to your scarred limbs and bleeding breasts, and loudly call upon as to reward your toils and sufferings, by forcibly inculcating and improving those patriotic principles and practices which led you to those noble achievements that secured the blessings we now enjoy? Yes, ye martyrs to liberty! ye band of heroes! ye once worthy compatriots and fellowcitizens! We will obey your friendly suggestion, and greatly prize that freedom and independence, purchased by your united exertions, as the most invaluable gem of our earthly. crown! The late revolution, my respected audience, in which we this day rejoice, is big with events that are daily unfolding themselves and pressing in thick succession, to the astonishment of a wondering world! It has been marked with the certain characteristic of a divine over-ruling hand, in that it was brought about and perfected against all human reasoning, and apparently against all human hope; and that in the very moment of time when all Europe seemed ready to be plunged into commotion and distress. Divine Providence, throughout the government of this world, appears to have impressed many great events with the undoubted evidence of his own almighty arm. He putteth down kingdoms and he setteth up whom he pleaseth, and it has been literally verified in us, that, no king prevaileth by the power of his own strength.' 66 The first great principle established and secured by our revolution, and which since seems to be pervading all the nations of the earth; and which should be most zealously and carefully improved and gloried in by us, is the rational equality and rights of men, as men and citizens. I do not mean to hold up the absurd idea charged upon us, by the enemies of this valuable principle, and which contains in it, inevitable destruction to every government, "that all men are equal as to acquired or adventitious rights." Men must and do continually differ in their genius, knowledge, industry, integrity and activity. Their natural and moral characters-their virtues and vices-their abilities, natural and acquired-together with favorable opportunities for exertion, will always make men different among themselves, and of course create a preeminency and superiority one over another. But the equality and rights of men here contemplated are natural, essential, and unalienable, such as the security of life, liberty, and property. These should be the firm foundation of every good government, as they will apply to all nations, at all times, and may properly be called a universal law. It is apparent that every man is born with the same right to improve the talent committed to him, for the use and benefit of society, and to be respected accordingly. We are all the workmanship of the same divine hand. With our Creator, abstractly considered, there are neither kings nor subjects, | masters nor servants, otherwise than stewards of his appointment, to serve each other according to our different opportunities and abilities, and of course accountable for the manner in which we perform our duty,-he is no respecter of persons,-he beholds all with an equal eye, and although "order is heaven's first law," and he has made it essential to every good government, and necessary for the welfare of every community, that there should be distinctions among members of the same society, yet this difference is originally designed for the service, benefit, and best good of the whole, and not for their oppression or destruction.* It is our duty then, as a people, acting on principles of universal application, to convince mankind of the truth and practicability of them, by carrying them into actual exercise for the happiness of our fellow-men, without suffering to be perverted to oppression or licentiousness. The eyes of the nations of the earth are fast opening, and the inhabitants of this globe, notwithstanding it is 3000 years since the promulgation of that invaluable precept, "thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself," are but just beginning to discover their brotherhood to each other, and that all men, however different with regard to nation or color, have an essential interest in each other's welfare. Let it then be our peculiar, constant care and vigilant attention, to inculcate this sacred principle, and to hand it down to posterity, improved by every generous and liberal practice, that while we are rejoicing in our own political and religious privileges, we may with pleasure contemplate the happy period, when all the nations of the earth shall join in the triumph of this day, and one universal anthem of praise shall arise to the universal Creator in return for the general joy. Another essential ingredient in the happiness we enjoy as a nation, and which arises from the principles of the revolution, is the right that every people have to govern themselves in such manner as they judge best calculated for the common benefit. It is a principle interwoven with our constitution, and not one of the least bie sings purchased by that glorious struggle, to the commemoration of which this day is specially devoted, that every man has a natural right to be governed by laws of his own making, either in person or by his representative; and that no authority ought justly to be exercised over him, that is not derived from the people, of whom he is one. Lactantius, lib. 5, cap. 15, fol. 399, speaking of the universal equality of mankind, says: "Equitatem dico-se cum cæteris coquandi, quam Cicero æcquabilitatem vocat-Deus enim, qui homines generat & inspirat, omnes æcquos, id est pares esse voluit: Eamdem conditionem vivendi omnibus posuit, omnes ad sapientiam genuit: omnibus immortalitatem spopondit. Nemo apud eum servus est, nemo dominus." This, fellow-citizens, is a most important, | ble story, but prudently mark the effects of their practical principle, first carried into complete public measures, and judge of the tree by its execution by the United States of America. fruits. I tremble for the event, while I glory in the subject. I do not wish to discourage a constant and lively attention to the conduct of our rulers. A prudent suspicion of public measures is a great security to a republican government; but a line should be drawn between a careful and critical examination into the principles and effects of regular systems after a fair and candid trial, and a captious, discontented and censo To you, ye citizens of America! do the inhabitants of the earth look with eager attention for the success of a measure on which their happiness and prosperity so manifestly depend. To use the words of a famous foreigner, "You are become the hope of human nature, and ought to become its great example. The asy-rious temper, which leads to find fault with lum opened in your land for the oppressed of all nations must console the earth." On your virtue, patriotism, integrity, and submission to the laws of your own making, and the government of your own choice, do the hopes of men rest with prayers and supplications for a happy issue. every proposition in which we have not an immediate hand; and raise obstacles to rational plans of government, without waiting a fair experiment. It is generally characteristic of this disposition, to find fault without proposing a better plan for consideration. ners, interests, and habits. That our laws to be right, must be equal and general; of course the differing interests must be combined, and brotherly conciliation and forbearance continually exercised, if we will judge with propriety of those measures that respect a nation at large. We should not forget that our country is Be not, therefore, careless, indolent, or inat-large, and our fellow-citizens of different mantentive, in the exercise of any right of citizenship. Let no duty, however small, or seemingly of little importance, be neglected by you. Ever keep in mind that it is parts that form the whole, and fractions constitute the unit. Good government generally begins in the family, and if the moral character of a people once degenerates, their political character must soon follow. A friendly consideration of our fellow-citizens, who by our free choice become the public servants, and manage the affairs of our common country, is but a reasonable return for their diligence and care in our service. The most enlightened and zealous of our public servants, can do little without the exertions of private citizens to perfect what they do but form as it were in embryo. The highest officers of our government are but the first servants of the people and always in their power: they have, therefore, a just claim to a fair and candid experiment of the plans they form and the laws they enact for the public weal. Too much should not be expected from them; they are but men and of like passions and of like infirmities with ourselves; they are liable to err, though exercising the purest motives and best abilities required for the purpose. Times and circumstances may change and accidents intervene to disappoint the wisest measures. Mistaken and wicked men (who cannot live but in troubled waters) are often laboring with indefatigable zeal, which sometimes prove but too successful, to sour our minds and derange the best formed systems. Plausible pretensions and censorious insinuations, are always at hand to transfer the deadly poison of jealousy, by which the best citizens may for a time be deceived. These considerations should lead to an attentive solicitude to keep the pure, unadulterated principles of our constitution, always in view; to be religiously careful in our choice of public officers; and as they are again in our power at very short periods, lend not too easily a patient ear to every invidious insinuation or improba- | | While we thus enjoy as a community, the blessings of the social compact in its purity, and are all endeavoring to secure the invaluable privileges, purchased by the blood of thousands of our brethren who fell in the dreadful conflict; let us also be careful to encourage and promote a liberality and benevolence of mind towards those whom they have left behind, and whose unhappy fate it has been to bear a heavier proportion of the expensive purchase, in the loss of husbands, parents or children, perhaps their only support and hope in life. Mankind, considered as brethren, should be dear to each other; but, fellow-citizens, who have together braved the common dangerwho have fought side by side,-who have mingled their blood together, as it were in one rich stream,-who have labored and toiled with united efforts to accomplish the same glorious end, must surely be more than brethren—it is a union cemented by blood. I can no longer deny myself the felicity, my beloved friends and fellow-citizens, members of a Society founded on these humane and benevolent principles, of addressing myself more particularly to you, on a day, which in so peculiar a manner shines with increasing lustre on you, refreshing and brightening your hard-earned laurels, by renewing the honorable reward of your laborious services in the gratitude of your rejoicing fellow-citizens. Methinks I behold you on the victorious banks of the Hudson, bowed down with the fatigues of an active campaign, and the sufferings of an inclement winter, receiving the welcome news of approaching peace, and your country's political salvation, with all that joy of heart and serenity of mind, that become citizens who flew to their arms, merely at their country's call, in a time of common danger. The war-worn soldiers, reduced to the ca- | their sufferings and perseverance, now rouses lamities of a seven years' arduous service, now the patriotic fire. They again rejoice in the solemnly pause and reflect on the peculiarity event; they unite in a firm, indissoluble bond, of their critical situation. The ravages of war "gratefully to commemorate the event, which had been extended through a country dearer to gave independence to America,—to inculcate them than life, and thereby prevented that to latest ages the duty of laying down in peace, ample provision in service or reasonable re- arms assumed for public defence in war,-to compense on their return to private life, that continue their mutual friendship, which comprudence required and gratitude powerfully menced under the pressure of common dangers, dictated. and to effectuate every act of beneficence, dictated by a spirit of brotherly kindness to any of their number and their families, who might unfortunately be under the necessity of receiving them;" and by this unanimous act establish this sacred truth, "that the glory of soldiers cannot be well completed without acting well the part of citizens." They thought that the distresses of the army had before been brought to a point. "That they had borne all that men could bear; their property expended-their private resources at an end-their friends wearied out and disgusted with incessant applications." But another trial, severer than all, still awaits them; they are now to be disbanded and a separation to take place This, gentlemen, is your origin as a Societymore distressing than every former scene! Till the source from whence you sprang, and this now the severe conflict was unseen or unat-day we are carrying on the work first begun in tended to. Poverty and the gratitude of their these social principles.* country are their only reward. True, they are to return to their friends and fellow-citizens with blessings on their heads. The general liberty and independence are now secured, but yet want and dire distress stare many in the face. They are to return to wives and children, long used to dependence on the cold hand of charity, in hopes of a sure support from the success of the common cause, when their husband, father or child returned glorious from the field of conquest. Alas! these flattering hopes now are no more. Their country's exhausted treasury cannot yield them even the hard-earned pittance of a soldier's pay. Being urged on one hand by the subtle poison of inflammatory, violent and artful addresses, under the specious mask of pretended friendship, (the last expiring effort of a conquered foe,)-warned on the other hand by the experience, wisdom, and rational conduct of their beloved commander, their father and long-tried friend,-they solemnly deliberate. Some guardian angel, perhaps the happy genius of America, ever attendant on the object of her care, raises the drooping head, wipes the indignant, falling tear from the hardy soldier's eye, and suggests the happy expedient! Brotherly affection produces brotherly relief-the victorious bands unite together they despise the infamous idea-they refuse to listen to the siren's song-they form the social tiethey cast in the remaining fragment of their scanty pay, and instead of seizing their arms and demanding their rights by menace and violence, they refuse "to lessen the dignity or sully the glory they had hitherto maintained. They determined to give one more proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the pressure of their complicated sufferings, and thereby afford an occasion to posterity to say, had that day been wanting, the world had not seen the last stage of political perfection, to which human nature is capable of attaining." The glorious certainty of peace, purchased by With a heart filled with unfeigned gratitude to the author of all our mercies, and overflowing with the most affectionate friendship toward you, suffer me to congratulate you on this seventeenth anniversary of our happy independence. Long, long, even to the remotest ages, may the citizens of this rising empire enjoy the triumph of this day; may they never forget the invaluable price which it costs, as well as the great purposes for which it was instituted, and may a frequent recurrence to the first principles of our constitution on this anniversary, be a constant source of security and permanence to the rising fabric! May the rights of man and the purity of a free, energetic, and independent government be continually cherished and promoted by every son of Cincinnatus! May the remembrance of those worthy heroes, once our The Society of the Cincinnati was established in 1783. On the tenth of May of that year, officers from the several regiments of the respective lines of the American army, met at the cantonment on Hudson river, where proposals were read and a committee appointed to prepare a plan of estab lishment. On the thirteenth instant a plan was submitted, and adopted, the principles of which were: "An incessant attention to preserve inviolate those exalted rights and liberties of human nature, for which they have fought and bled, and without which the high rank of a rational being is a curse instead of a blessing. "An unalterable determination to promote and cherish, between the respective States, that union and national honor so necessary to their happiness, and the future dignity of the American empire. "To render permanent the cordial affection subsisting among the officers. This spirit will dictate brotherly kind. ness in all things, and particularly extend to the most substantial acts of beneficence, according to the ability of the society, towards those officers and their families who unfortunately may be under the necessity of receiving it."* The General Society of Cincinnati, "for the sake of frequent communications," was divided into State societies, and these again into districts, under the direction of the State societies. Some of these societies still (1857) exist. See the proceedings of the New York Society of the Cincinnati, published in 1851. beloved companions, whose lives they did not hold dear, when required for their country's safety, animate us to preserve inviolate, what they purchased at so high a rate! May we, by the uniform conduct of good citizens and generous, faithful friends, show ourselves worthy of such valuable connections! legislation of the Union or of a particular State with as much confidence as the noblest subject of an established monarchy. This is a peculiar happiness of our highly favored republic among the nations of the earth, proceeding from the successful revolution ir which we this day rejoice. Suffer me, ye fair daughters of New Jersey! to call on you also in a special manner, to add your invigorating smiles to the mirth and festivity of this day. Our happiness can be but half complete, if you refuse to crown the whole with your kind approbation. Long, long may you live to enjoy the reward of your labors, in the exercise of the duties of this honorable anniversary; and after a long life of services to your country, usefulness to your Society, and happiness to yourselves, may you leave your generation in the full enjoyment of peace and a sound constitution, justified by Have you not at all times and do you not still experience, for the example of which, nations continue to participate deeply in the multiplied yet unborn, shall rise up and call you blessed! blessings of our common country? Raised from And now, my respected audience, we appeal the humiliating state of your sex in most other to your candor and generosity; you have heard countries, you also breathe the sacred air of our origin-you have known our conduct-freedom, and nobly unite your exertions for the our Society is designed for the happiness and general good. benefit of mankind-we have no secrets-we claim no separate privileges—we ask no independent immunities-we are embarked in one common cause with you-we glory in one perfect political equality,-all we wish for, is the pleasure of renewing ancient friendships of the mutual remembrance of past labors and sufferings-the liberal exercise of that celestial principle, charity, and one common interest with you in the security of our liberty, property, and independence. We profess to be a band of brethren, united to our fellow-citizens by every tie of interest, gratitude, and love. Let us then go hand in hand with you, in looking forward to the happy state of our country, during a long succession of ages yet to come. We are encouraged in this animating hope by the numerous advantages arising to us, in a peculiar manner, from the happy revolution we commemorate this day; they are conspicuous in every quarter to which the view can be directed. If we turn our attention to the strong hope of every community, the rising generation, the world has yet enjoyed nothing equal to their advantages and future prospects. The road to honors, riches, usefulness, and fame, in this happy country, is open equally to all. The equality of citizens in its true sense must raise the most lively hopes, prompt the noblest exertions, and secure a certainty of success to all, who shall excel in the service of their country, without respect of persons. The meanest citizen of America educates his beloved child with a well founded hope, that if he should become equal to the task, he may rationally aspire to the command of our armies, a place in the cabinet, or even to the filling of the presidential chair; he stands on equal ground in regard to the first honors of the State, with the richest of his fellow-citizens. The child of the poorest laborer, by enjoying the means of education (afforded in almost every corner of this happy land) is trained up for, and is encouraged to look forward to a share in the The Rights of Women are no longer strange sounds to an American ear; they are now heard as familiar terms in every part of the United States; and I devoutly hope that the day is not far distant, when we shall find them dignifying, in a distinguishing code, the jurisprudence of the several States in the Union. But in your domestic character, do you not also enjoy the most delightful contemplations arising from the Revolution of Seventeen Hundred and Seventy-six? Can you look on the children of your tenderest care, and reflect on the cheerful prospects opening upon them through life, without feeling the most lively emotions of gratitude for the inestimable privileges conferred on the citizens of America? Are not your resolutions strengthened and your endeavors redoubled, to furnish them with every qualification, both mental and personal, for the future service of a country thus rendered dear to you? But your share of the joy of this day does not rise from a single source. To whom are we more indebted for the origin of our present happiness, than to your delicate and discerning sex? In vain did Columbus, our great founder and discoverer, after settling the principles of his sound philosophy, apply to the wise men of his country. In vain did he solicit, in strains of the most suppliant humiliation, the different thrones of Europe, when kings considered themselves as God's vicegerents here below; despised by the ignorant-traduced by the malevolent-contemned by the great-laughed at by pretended philosophers-and trifled with by the arrogance of ministers and their hirelings; all his hopes and those of a New World had, at last, sunk in despair, and we, this day, might have mingled our fate with the slaves of the Old World, had not the penetrating wisdom and persevering magnanimity of the fair, but un daunted Isabella, the ornament of your sex, and the jealousy of ours, saved this Western World from the oblivion of more than five thousand years. Did she employ the excess of useless treasures in this happy adventure? No! |