sister States, but from the arms of other nations. Have you no cause of fear from Spain, whose dominions border on your country? Every nation, every people, in our circumstances, have always had abundant cause to fear. Let us see the danger to be apprehended from France: let us suppose Virginia separated from the other States: as part of the former confederated States, she will owe France a very considerable sum-France will be as magnanimous as ever. France, by the law of nations, will have a right to demand the whole of her, or of the others. If France were to demand it, what would become of the property of America? Could she not destroy what little com their political felicity, but their national exist- | from the Union, shall our chance of having ence? Let us examine her ability. Although these be greater? Or, will not the want of. it be impossible to determine, with accuracy, these be more deplorable? We shall be told of what degree of internal strength a nation ought the exertions of Virginia, under the confedera· to possess, to enable it to stand by itself; yet tion-her achievements, when she had no com there are certain sure facts and circumstances, merce. These, sir, were necessary for her which demonstrate that a particular nation immediate safety; nor would these have availed, cannot stand singly. I have spoken with free- without the aid of the other States. Those dom, and, I trust, I have done it with decency; States, then our friends, brothers and supportbut I must also speak with truth. If Virginia ers, will, if disunited from us, be our bitterest can exist without the Union, she must derive enemies. that ability from one or other of these sources, If then, sir, Virginia, from her situation, is viz. from her natural situation, or because she not inaccessible, or invulnerable, let us consider has no reason to fear from other nations. What if she be protected, by having no cause to fear is her situation? She is not inaccessible. She from other nations: has she no cause to fear? is not a petty republic, like that of St. Marino, You will have cause to fear, as a nation, if dissurrounded with rocks and mountains, with a united; you will not only have this cause to soil not very fertile, nor worthy the envy of fear from yourselves, from that species of popsurrounding nations. Were this, sir, her situ-ulation I have before mentioned, and your once ation, she might, like that petty state, subsist, separated from all the world. On the contrary, she is very accessible: the large, capacious bay of Chesapeake, which is but too excellently adapted for the admission of enemies, renders her very vulnerable. I am informed, and I believe rightly, because I derive my information from those whose knowledge is most respectable, that Virginia is in a very unhappy position, with respect to the access of foes by sea, though happily situated for commerce. This being her situation by sea, let us look at land. She has frontiers adjoining the States of Pennsylvania, Maryland and North Carolina. Two of those States have declared themselves members of the Union. Will she be inaccessi-merce we have? Could she not seize our ships, ble to the inhabitants of those States? Cast your eyes to the western country, that is inhabited by cruel savages, your natual enemies. Besides their natural propensity to barbarity, they may be excited, by the gold of foreign enemies, to commit the most horrid ravages on your people. Our great, increasing population, is one remedy to this evil; but, being scattered thinly over so extensive a country, how difficult it is to collect their strength, or defend the country. This is one point of weakness. I wish, for the honor of my countrymen, that it was the only one. There is another circumstance which renders us more vulnerable. Are we not weakened by the population of those whom we hold in slavery? The day may come, when they may make an impression upon us. Gentlemen who have been long accustomed to the contemplation of the subject, think there is a cause of alarm in this case. The number of those people, compared to that of the whites, is in an immense proportion: their number amounts to two hundred and thirty-six thousand, that of the whites only to three hundred and fifty-two thousand. Will the American spirit, so much spoken of, repel an invading enemy, or enable you to obtain an advantageous peace? Manufactures and military stores may afford relief to a country exposed: have we these at present? Attempts have been made to have these here. If we shall be separated and carry havoc and destruction before her on our shores? The most lamentable desolation would take place. We owe a debt to Spain also; do we expect indulgence from that quarter? That nation has a right to demand the debt due to it, and power to enforce that right. Will the Dutch be silent about the debt due to them? Is there any one pretension, that any of these nations will be patient? The debts due the British are also very considerable : these debts have been withheld contrary to treaty: if Great Britain will demand the payment of these debts peremptorily, what will be the consequence? Can we pay them if demanded? Will no danger result from a refusal? Will the British nation suffer their subjects to be stripped of their property? Is not that nation amply able to do its subjects justice? Will the resentment of that powerful and supercilious nation sleep for ever? If we become one, sole nation, uniting with our sister States, our means of defence will be greater; the indulgence for the payment of those debts will be greater, and the danger of an attack less probable. Moreover, vast quantities of lands have been sold, by citizens of this country, to Europeans, and these lands cannot be found. Will this fraud be countenanced or endured? Among so many causes of danger, shall we be secure, separated from our sister States? Weakness itself, sir, will invite some attack upon your country. Contemplate our situation deliberate- | of the most calamitous and deplorable nature, ly, and consult history: it will inform you, on one another. that people in our circumstances have ever Mr. Chairman, were we struck off from the been attacked, and successfully: open any page, Union, and disputes of the back lands should be and you will there find our danger truly de- renewed, which are of the most alarming napicted. If such a people had any thing, was it ture, and which must produce uncommon misnot taken? The fate which will befall us, I chiefs, can you inform me how this great subfear, sir, will be, that we shall be made a par- ject would be settled? Virginia has a large tition of. How will these, our troubles, be re- unsettled country; she has, at last, quieted it; moved? Can we have any dependence on but there are great doubts whether she has commerce? Can we make any computation taken the best way to effect it. If she has not, on this subject? Where will our flag appear? disagreeable consequences may ensue. I have So high is the spirit of commercial nations, that before hinted at some other causes of quarrel they will spend five times the value of the between the other States and us; particularly object, to exclude their rivals from a participa- the hatred that would be generated by comtion in commercial profits: they seldom regard mercial competition. I will only add, on that any expenses. If we should be divided from subject, that controversies may arise concernthe rest of the States, upon what footing would ing the fisheries, which must terminate in wars. our navigation in the Mississippi be? What Paper money may also be an additional source would be the probable conduct of France and of disputes. Rhode Island has been in one Spain? Every gentleman may imagine, in his continued train of opposition to national duties own mind, the natural consequences. To these and integrity; they have defrauded their credconsiderations, I might add many others of a itors by their paper money. Other States have similar nature. Were I to say, that the bound- also had emissions of paper money, to the ruin ary between us and North Carolina is not yet of credit and commerce. May not Virginia, at settled, I should be told that Virginia and that a future day, also recur to the same expedient? State go together. But what, sir, will be the Has Virginia no affection for paper money, or consequence of the dispute that may arise be- disposition to violate contracts? I fear she is tween us and Maryland, on the subject of Poto- as fond of these measures as most other States mac river? It is thought, Virginia has a right in the Union. The inhabitants of the adjacent to an equal navigation with them in that river. States would be affected by the depreciation of If ever it should be decided on grounds of prior paper money, which would assuredly produce right, their charter will inevitably determine it a dispute with those States. This danger is in their favor. The country called the North- taken away by the present constitution, as it ern Neck, will probably be severed from Vir- provides "That no State shall emit bills of ginia. There is not a doubt but the inhabit- credit." Maryland has counteracted the policy ants of that part will annex themselves to of this State frequently, and may be meditating Maryland, if Virginia refuse to accede to the examples of this kind again. Before the revoUnion. The recent example of those regula-lution there was a contest about those back tions lately made respecting that territory, will illustrate that probability. Virginia will also be in danger of a conflict with Pennsylvania, on the subject of boundaries. I know that some gentlemen are thoroughly persuaded, that we have a right to those disputed boundaries: if we have such a right, I know not where it is to be found. lands, in which even government was a party; it was put an end to by the war. Pennsylvania was ready to enter into a war with us for the disputed lands near the boundaries, and nothing but the superior prudence of the man who was at the head of affairs in Virginia could have prevented it. I beg leave to remind you of the strength of Are we not borderers on States that will be Massachusetts and other States to the north, separated from us? Call to mind the history and what would their conduct be to us if disof every part of the world, where nations have united from them? In case of a conflict bebordered on one another, and consider the con- tween us and Maryland or Pennsylvania, they sequences of our separation from the Union. would be aided by the whole strength of the Peruse those histories, and you find such coun- more northern States; in short, by that of all tries to have ever been almost a perpetual the adopting States. For these reasons, I conscene of bloodshed and slaughter. The inhab-ceive, that if Virginia supposes she has no cause itants of one escaping from punishment into the other, protection given them, consequent pursuit, robbery, cruelty, and murder. A numerous standing army, that dangerous expedient, would be necessary, but not sufficient for the defence of such borders. Every gentleman will amplify the scene in his own mind. If you wish to know the extent of such a scene, look at the history of England and Scotland before the union; you will see their borderers continually committing depredations and cruelties, of apprehension, she will find herself in a fatal error. Suppose the American spirit in the fullest vigor in Virginia; what military preparations and exertions is she capable of making? The other States have upwards of three hundred and thirty thousand men capable of bearing arms; this will be a good army, or they can very easily raise a good army out of so great a number. Our militia amounts to fifty thousand; even stretching it to the improbable amount (urged by some) of sixty thousand; in The same case of an attack, what defence can we make? | fused in the country, merchants and men of Who are militia? Can we depend solely upon wealth will be induced to come among us; these? I will pay the last tribute of gratitude emigration will increase, and commerce will to the militia of my country; they performed flourish; the impost will therefore be more some of the most gallant feats during the last sure and productive. Under these circumstan war, and acted as nobly as men inured to other ces, can you find men to defend you? If not avocations could be expected to do; but, sir, it men, where can you have a navy? It is an is dangerous to look to them as our sole pro- | old observation, that he who commands at sea tectors. Did ever militia defend a country? will command the land; and it is justified by Those of Pennsylvania were said to differ very modern experience in war. The sea can only little from regulars, yet these, sir, were insuffi- be commanded by commercial nations. The cient for the defence of that State. The militia United States have every means, by nature, to of our country will be wanted for agriculture; enable them to distribute supplies mutually on this noblest of arts depends the virtue and among one another, to supply other nations the very existence of a country; if it be ne- | with many articles, and to carry for other naglected, every thing else must be in a state of tions. Our commerce would not be kindly reruin and decay. It must be neglected if those ceived by foreigners, if transacted solely by hands which ought to attend to it are occasion- ourselves, as it is the spirit of commercial naally called forth on military expeditions. tions to engross, as much as possible, the carrySome, also, will be necessary for manufactures, ing trade; this makes it necessary to defend and those mechanic arts which are necessary our commerce; but how shall we encompass for the aid of the farmer and planter. If we this end? England has arisen to the greatest had men sufficient in number to defend our-height, in modern times, by her navigation act selves, it could not avail without other requisites. We must have a navy, to be supported in time of peace as well as war, to guard our coasts and defend us against invasions. The impossibility of building and equipping a fleet, in a short time, constitutes the necessity of having a certain number of ships of war always ready in time of peace. The maintaining a navy will require money; and where, sir, can we get money for this and other purposes? How shall we raise it? Review the enormity of the debts due by this country; the amount of debt we owe to the continent for bills of credit, rating at forty for one, will amount to between six and seven hundred thousand pounds. There is also due the continent the balance of requisitions due by us, and, in addition to this proportion of the old continental debt, there are the foreign, domestic, State, military, and loanoffice debts, to which, when you add the British debt, where is the possibility of finding money to raise an army or navy? Review then your real ability. Shall we recur to loans? Nothing can be more impolitic; they impoverish a nation; we, sir, have nothing to repay them; nor, sir, can we procure them. Our numbers are daily increasing by emigration; but this, sir, will not relieve us, when our credit is gone, and it is impossible to borrow money. If the imposts and duties in Virginia, even on the present footing, be very unproductive, and not equal to our necessities, what would they be if we were separated from the Union? From the first of September to the first of June, the amount put into the treasury is only fifty-nine thousand pounds, or a little more. But, sir, if smuggling be introduced in consequence of high duties, or otherwise, and the Potomac should be lost, what hope is there of getting money from these? Shall we be asked if the impost would be bettered by the Union? I answer that it will, sir. Credit being restored and confidence dif and other excellent regulations. This I will close this catalogue of the evils of the dissolution of the Union, by recalling to your mind what passed in the year 1781. Such was the situation of our affairs then, that the powers of a dictator were given to the commanderin-chief to save us from destruction. shows the situation of the country to have been such as made it ready to embrace an actual dietator. At some future period, will not our distresses impel us to do what the Dutch have done-throw all power into the hands of a stadtholder? How infinitely more wise and eligible, than this desperate alternative, is an union with our American brethren? I feel myself so abhorrent to any thing that will dis solve our Union, that I cannot prevail with myself to assent to it directly or indirectly. If the Union is to be dissolved, what step is to be taken? Shall we form a partial confederacy; or, is it expected that we shall successfully ap-swered that purpose; but so universally is its ply to foreign alliance for military aid? This last measure, sir, has ruined almost every nation that has used it; so dreadful an example ought to be most cautiously avoided; for seldom has a nation recurred to the expedient of foreign succor, without being ultimately crushed by that succor. We may lose our liberty and independence by this injudicious scheme of policy. Admitting it to be a scheme replete with safety, what nation shall we solicitFrance? She will disdain a connection with a people in our predicament. I would trust every thing to the magnanimity of that nation, but she would despise a people who had, like us, so imprudently separated from their brethren; and, sir, were she to accede to our proposal, with what facility could she become mistress of our country. To what nation, then, shall we apply-to Great Britain? Nobody has as yet trusted that idea. An application to any other must be either fruitless or dangerous; to those who advocate local confederacies, and at the same time preach up for republican liberty, I answer, that their conduct is inconsistent; the defence of such partial confederacies will require such a degree of force and expense as will destroy every feature of republicanism. Give me leave to say, that I see naught but destruction in a local confederacy. With what State can we confederate but North Carolina-North Carolina, situated worse than ourselves? Consult your own reason: I beseech gentlemen most seriously to reflect on the consequences of such a confederacy; I beseech them to consider, whether Virginia and North Carolina, both oppressed with debts and slaves, can defend themselves externally, or make their people happy internally. North Carolina having no strength but militia, and Virginia in the same situation, will make, I fear, but a despicable figure in history. Thus, sir, I hope that I have satisfied you that we are unsafe without an union, and that in union alone safety consists. ficacy was not discovered, till requisitions came to be made by Congress. In the then situation of America, a speedy remedy was necessary to ward off the danger, and this sufficiently animbecility now known, that it is almost useless for me to exhibit it at this time. Has not Virginia, as well as every other State, acknowledged its debility, by sending delegates to the general convention? The confederation is, of all things, the most unsafe, not only to trust to, in its present form, but even to amend. The object of a federal government is to remedy and strengthen the weakness of its individual branches; whether that weakness arises from situation, or any other external cause. With respect to the first, is it not a miracle that the confederation carried us through the last war? It was our unanimity, sir, that carried us through it. That system was not ultimately concluded till the year 1781-although the greatest exertions were made before that time. Then came requisitions of men and money; its defects then were immediately discovered; the quotas of men were readily sent-not so those of money. One State feigned inability, another would not comply till the rest did, and various excuses were offered; so that no money was sent into the treasury-not a requisition was fully complied with. Loans were the next measure fallen upon: upwards of eighty millions of dollars were wanting, besides the emissions of dollars, forty for one. These things show the impossibility of relying on requisitions. [Here Mr. Randolph enumerated the different delinquencies of different States, and the consequent distresses of Congress.] If the American spirit is to be depended upon, I call him to awake, to see how his Americans have been disgraced: but I have no hopes that things will be better hereafter. I fully expect things will be as they have been, and that the same derangements will produce similar miscarriages. Will the American spirit produce money or credit, unless we alter our system? Are we not in a contemptible situation--are we not the jest of other nations? I come now, sir, to the great inquiry, whether the confederation be such a government as we ought to continue under; whether it be such a government as can secure the felicity of any free people. Did I believe the confederation was a good thread, which might be broken without destroying its utility entirely, I might be induced to concur in putting it together; but I am so thoroughly convinced of its incapacity to be mended or spliced, that I would sooner recur to any other expedient. When I spoke last, I endeavored to express my sentiments concerning that system, and to apologize (if an apology was necessary) for the conduct of its framers-that it was hastily devised, to enable us to repel a powerful enemy -that the subject was novel, and that its inef But it is insinuated, by the honorable gentle man, that we want to be a grand, splendid and magnificent people: we wish not to become so. The magnificence of a royal court is not our object. We want government, sir-a government that will have stability, and give us security; for our present government is destitute of the one, and incapable of producing the other. It cannot perhaps, with propriety, be denominated a government-being void of that energy requisite to enforce its sanctions. I wish my country not to be contemptible in the eyes of foreign nations. A well regulated community is always respected. It is the internal situation, the defects of government, that attract foreign contempt-that contempt, sir, is too often followed by subjugation. Advert to the contemptuous manner in which a shrewd politician speaks of our government. [Here Mr. Randolph quoted a passage from Lord Sheffield, the House as little as possible. What are the the purport of which was, that Great Britain powers of Congress? They have full authority might engross our trade on her own terms: to recommend what they please. This recomthat the imbecility and inefficacy of our gene-mendatory power reduces them to the condiral government were such, that it was impos- tion of poor supplicants. Consider the dignisible we could counteract her policy, however fied language of the members of the American rigid or illiberal towards us her commercial Congress-May it please your high mightiregulations might be.] Reflect but a moment nesses, of Virginia, to pay your just, proporon our situation. Does it not invite real hos- tionate quota of our national debt: we humbly tility? The conduct of the British ministry to supplicate that it may please you to comply us, is the natural effect of our unnerved govern- with your federal duties! We implore, we beg ment. Consider the commercial regulations be- your obedience! Is not this, sir, a fair repretween us and Maryland. Is it not known to sentation of the powers of Congress? Their gentlemen that this State and that have been operations are of no validity, when counteractmaking reprisals on each other, to obviate a ed by the States. Their authority to recomrepetition of which, in some degree, these reg- mend is a mere mockery of government. ulations have been made? Can we not see But the amendability of the confederation from this circumstance, the jealousy, rivalship seems to have great weight on the minds of and hatred that would subsist between them, some gentlemen. To what point will the in case this State was out of the Union? They amendments go? What part makes the most are importing States, and importing States will important figure? What part deserves to be ever be competitors and rivals. Rhode Island retained? In it, one body has the legislative, and Connecticut have been on the point of war, executive and judicial powers: but the want of on the subject of their paper money-Congress efficient powers has prevented the dangers did not attempt to interpose. When Massachu- naturally consequent on the union of these. Is setts was distressed by the late insurrection, this union consistent with an augmentation of Congress could not relieve her. Who headed their power? Will you then amend it, by that insurrection? Recollect the facility with taking away one of these three powers? Supwhich it was raised, and the very little ability | pose, for instance, you only vested it with the of the ringleader, and you cannot but deplore legislative and executive powers, without any the extreme debility of our merely nominal control on the judiciary, what must be the government; we are too despicable to be re- result? Are we not taught by reason, expegarded by foreign nations. The defects of the rience and governmental history, that tyranny confederation consisted principally in the want is the natural and certain consequence of unitof power. It had nominally powers-powers ing these two powers, or the legislative and on paper, which it could not use. The power judicial powers, exclusively, in the same body? of making peace and war is expressly delegated If any one denies it, I shall pass by him, as an to Congress; yet the power of granting pass-infidel not to be reclaimed. Wherever any two ports, though within that of making peace and war, was considered by Virginia as belonging to herself. Without adequate powers, vested in Congress, America cannot be respectable in the eyes of other nations. Congress, sir, ought to be fully vested with power to support the Union, protect the interest of the United States, maintain their commerce, and defend them from external invasions and insults, and internal insurrections; to maintain justice, and pro-gencies, even in cases wherein the existence of mote harmony and public tranquillity among the States. A government not vested with these powers, will ever be found unable to make us happy or respectable: how far the confederation is different from such a government, is known to all America. Instead of being able to cherish and protect the States, it has been unable to defend itself against the encroachments made upon it by the States: every one of them has conspired against it Virginia as much as any. This fact could be proved by reference to actual history. I might quote the observations of an able modern author, (not because he is decorated with the name of author, but because his sentiments are drawn from human nature,) to prove the dangerous impolicy of withholding necessary powers from Congress; but I shall at this time fatigue of these three powers are vested in one single body, they must, at one time or other, terminate in the destruction of liberty. In the most important cases, the assent of nine States is necessary to pass a law: this is too great a restriction, and whatever good consequences it may in some cases produce, yet it will prevent energy in many other cases; it will prevent energy, which is most necessary on some emer the community depends on vigor and expedition. It is incompatible with that secrecy which is the life of execution and dispatch. Did ever thirty or forty men retain a secret? Without secrecy, no government can carry on its operations, on great occasions: this is what gives that superiority in action to the government of one. If anything were wanting to complete this farce, it would be, that a resolution of the assembly of Virginia, and the other legislatures, should be necessary to confirm and render of any validity, the congressional acts: this would openly discover the debility of the general gov ernment to all the world. But, in fact, its imbecility is now nearly the same as if such acts were formally requisite. An act of the assembly of Virginia, controverting a resolution of Congress, would certainly prevail. I therefore |