Facts from the Census. In the United States are 584,547 whites who cannot read or write; 5,773 deaf and durnb; 5,024 blind; 14,508 insane or idiots; 2,487,213 slaves.

Our population increases, with great regularity, 34 per cent. in ten years. At this rate the population will be, in round numbers, in 1850, 22,600,000; in 1860, 30,200,000; in 1900, 95,500,000.

The slave population, the last ten years, increased at about 25 per cent.; the free at 35 per cent., showing a regular increase of the free in proportion to the slave. The regular increase of the New England States is 14.3 per cent.; Middle States, 25.6; Southern, 22.264; Western,

68.006.

(September 10th, 1842.)

EXECUTIVE.

JOHN TYLER,* of Virginia, President.
DANIEL WEBSTER, of Massachusetts, Secretary of State.
WALTER FORWARD, of Penn., Secretary of the Treasury.
JOHN C. SPENCER, of New York, Secretary of War.
ABEL P. UPSHUR, of Virginia, Secretary of the Navy.
HUGH S. LEGARE, of South Carolina, Attorney General.

CHARLES A. WICKLIFFE, of Kentucky, Postmaster General.

*

Elected Vice President: succeeded to Gen. WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, died April 4, 1841, aged 68

JUDICIARY--Supreme Court.

ROGER B. TANEY, of Maryland, Chief Justice. Salary $5,000.

JOSEPII STORY, of Mass.,
SMITH THOMPSON, of N. Y.,
JOHN M'LEAN, of Ohio,
HENRY BALDWIN, of Pa.,

Associate Justice. JAMES M. WAYNE, of Ga.,

JOHN M'KINLEY, of Ala.,
WILLIAM CATRON, of Tenn.,
PETER V. DANIEL, of Va.,
[Salary of Associate Justices, $4,500.]
MINISTERS PLENIPOTENTIARY.
England, EDWARD EVERETT, of Mass., 1841
France, LEWIS CASS, of Ohio,
1836
Russia, CHARLES S. TODD, of Ohio, 1841

Members.

Associate Justice.

Austria, DANIEL JENIFER, of Md.,
Prussia, HENRY WHEATON, of R. I.,
Mexico, WADDY THOMPSON, of S. C.,

MEMBERS OF THE XXVIIth CONGRESS.
(Term expires March 4th, 1843.)

SENATE.

Hon. WILLIE P. MANGUM, of North Carolina, President.

MAINE.

Reuel Williams,

*George Evans,

Term expires.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.

*Leonard Wilcox, *Levi Woodbury,

VERMONT.

tSamuel C. Crafts, Samuel S. Phelps,

MASSACHUSETTS.

Rufus Choate,

Members.
Term expires.

DELAWARE.

1841 1837

1842

Members.

Term expires.

TENNESSEE.

1843 Richard H. Bayard
1847 Thomas Clayton,

1847 [Vacancy,]

1847

MARYLAND.

KENTUCKY.

1843 John L. Kerr,
1847 William D. Merrick,

Isaac C. Bates,

Silas Wright,
Nathaniel P. Tallmadge,

NEW JERSEY.

tWilliam L. Dayton, Jacob W. Miller,

VIRGINIA.

1843 WILLIAM C. RIVES,
1845 William S. Archer,
NORTH CAROLINA.

1845 William A. Graham,
1847 Willie P. Mangum,

SOUTH CAROLINA.

1845 WILLIAM C. PRESTON,
1847 John C. Calhoun,

GEORGIA.

1843 Alfred Cuthbert,
1845 John M. Berrien,

ALABAMA.

1843 Arthur P. Bagby,
1845 William R. King,

MISSISSIPPI.

1845 John Henderson,
1847 Robert J. Walker,

ILLINOIS.

1843 Richard M. Young.
1847* Samuel McRoberts,

MISSOURI.

1843 Lewis F. Linn, ·
1847 Thomas H. Benton,

ARKANSAS.

1843 Ambrose H Sevier,
1847 William S. Fulton,

MICHIGAN.

1845 Augustus S. Porter,
1847 William Woodbridge

PENNSYLVANIA.

James Buchanan,

Daniel Sturgeon,

* Now Members at the commencement of this Congress.

Whig gains.-New Members, of course.

Appointed pro tem. by the Governor, to fill accruing vacancies.

HOUSE OF

3. Horace Everett,

4. tAugustus Young,

5. tJohn Mattocks.

NEW YORK. 1. *Charles A. Floyd, 2. Joseph Egbert, 3. +James I. Roosevelt, +Charles G. Ferris, tJohn McKeon, +Fernando Wood, 4. Aaron Ward, 5. +Richard D. Davis, 6. James G. Clinton, 7. tJohn Van Buren, 8. +Jacob Houck, Jr. *Robert McClellan, 9. Hiram P. Hunt, 10. Daniel D. Barnard, 11. *Archibald L. Linn, 12. Bernard Blair,

13. Thos. A. Tomlinson, 14. H. Van Rensselaer,

15. John Sandford,

REPRESENTATIVES.
HON. JOHN WHITE (of Kentucky) SPEAKER.

Whigs in Roman; Locos in Italics. Those in SMALL CAPITALS were elected as Whigs, but sustained and approved President Tyler's Vetoes. *Not Mambers of the last Congress. † New Members who are ikewise gains to their respective parties.

RECAPITULATION.-Whigs 133; Loco Focos 102; distinctive Tyler men 6; Vacancy 1. about 127 Van Buren to 115 Whig. New Members 114; Members re-elected 127.

Last Congress, Delegates.-WISKONSAN-Henry Dodge; lowA-Aug. C. Dodge; FLORIDA-David Levy.

THE PROTECTION OF INDUSTRY,

ITS NECESSITY AND EFFECTS.

BY H. GREELEY.

THE Science of Political Economy is among and points out the means by which it may be the latest achievements of the human intel- increased and diffused. This science is yet in lect. For thousands of years the energies of the first century of its recognised existence. Government, (using the term in its largest It opened its eyes upon a world full of absurd sense, as designating all the various forms and regulations, vexatious restrictions, and pernishades of political organization which have cious monopolies, intended to enrich particular assumed to regulate and control the conduct communities at the expense of mankind, and and relations of men,) were put forth almost particular individuals at the expense of their exclusively to ravage and destroy; rarely or respective communities. These restrictions it never to build up and foster. The monarch or very properly tested and condemned. Having the chieftain looked abroad on the smiling their origin in narrow and selfish views, they fields and wealth-creating industry of a neigh-aimed to advance the interests of a part to the boring nation, and was incited not to emulate, damage of the whole, of the few at the exbut to devastate them. The field, in the language pense of the many. Thus hostile to the highof courts and cabinets, was not the theatre of est and broadest good, they stood condemned man's efforts to increase the sum of human alike by enlightened policy and by a generous comforts by peaceful and skilful industry, but philanthropy.

the arena of murderous conflict-of carnage, In this determined, and, to a great extent, hideous uproar, and fiendish desolation. The victorious warfare of the new science upon renowned and illustrious ruler was not he who existing errors and evil, many of its more had fostered industry, encouraged laudable en-jardent and undiscriminating apostles have been terprise, and largely aided in increasing and led to assume grounds of sweeping hostility diffusing the sum of comforts among his peo-to any legislation, in aid of the development ple, but he who had gained victories, destroy and due reward of Industry. Regarding ined armies, ravaged countries, and slaughtered tently the perversion and abuse to which the moffending thousands and tens of thousands. power of Government has in this province (as From this horrible delusion, with regard to the in all others) been subjected, when impelled nature and true ends of Government, the basis by ignorance and selfishness, they have chosen and character of true glory, mankind have to deny the power altogether, or dispute the tardily and partially awakened. Even in this safety and feasibility of its exercise, as the nineteenth century, the most eminent and re- only sure way of avoiding the danger of its nowned warriors the wholesale butchers of perversion. But, while such have been the the last and former ages-are still the idols of dictates of some eminent philosophers of the unthinking millions. closet, and readily caught up and re-echoed by Slowly, irregularly, the conviction struggles their more impetuous and less discerning fol into ascendency over the human mind, that lowers, it is at the same time true that a large the proper functions of Government are benefi- proportion of the writers on Political Economy cent, creative, invigorating; and that the in- inculcate different views-views which accord fiction of evil, whether on individuals or com- both with the opinions and acts of the great munities, for the repression of crime and majority of practical statesmen. While essay wrong-doing, is not the sum of its objects and is piled upon essay to prove that a Governobligations. The completeness of its organi-ment can properly usefully do nothing in aid of zation, the fulness of its powers, the univer- the industry of the people it serves, and that sality of its sway, seem clearly to fit it for an the perfection of national policy would be the instrumentality of positive as well as negative abolition of all duties on imports, and the es good; and the researches of statesmen and tablishment of absolute Free Trade, even philosophers have demonstrated that Govern- though unreciprocated, but met by restriction ment need not be a burden upon the people, and prohibition, not a single maritime or civi but may, by its indirect and salutary influen- lized nation ever seriously attempts to reduce ces, more than compensate for the taxes which these principles to practice, but each imposes it levies, in the amount of its positive and un-duties in aid of its revenne, and each arranges failing benefits. In other words, the advanta- these duties, whether wisely or unwisely, with ges accruing to the community, through ala view to the encouragement of industry and proper use of its organization and its faith, the increase of production within its own termay far more than repay the cost of its econo- ritory. Adam Smith, Say, Ricardo, may inmical support. culcate, to the satisfaction of their followers, Political Economy is the science which the folly of protection and the advantages of treats of the production and existence of wealth universal Free Trade, but Colbert, Pitt, Napp in a community, defines what is real wealth, leon, Canning, Washington, Jefferson, Hamil.

ton, Clay, Webster, are taught by experience no dispute on that point-and the doniestic the absolute necessity of discriminating duties manufacture will be almost if not utterly anto the successful prosecution of industry in all nihilated. But shall we thereby obtain our its necessary branches, and the upbuilding of goods really cheaper, or but nominally so, and a stable prosperity. Thus the errors of theory in reality much dearer?-in other words at a are corrected by the surer inductions of prac-far greater expense of our Labor, than under a tical knowledge, and the most specious falla- system of Protection? We answer, that the cies are rendered harmless, except to unsettle saving would be nominal and deceptive, and and to disturb. In an age of intelligence and that the real cost of the foreign would be far universal discussion, they never can be perma- greater than that of the domestic supply, and nently engrafted on the actual policy of na- this truth we shall endeavor to make clear to tions. every unprejudiced mind.

But a difference between prevalent theory Allowing that we buy our woolen fabrics and necessary practice, the deductions of phí- from Europe for eighty milions, we shall of losophers and the conduct of practical men, course subject ourselves to the necessity of argues grave error on one side or the other. paying for them-and in what? Obviously not On which is it in this case? Unquestionably to any considerable extent in coin; for our on the side of the theorists, so far as the col-country does not produce specie, and can only lision actually exists. Nine-tenths of the pro-export it to a very limited extent. We must positions and arguments of the Free Trade pay mainly in the products of our agriculEconomists are sound and instructive; their ture-no matter whether those products are works may mainly be read with interest and sold directly to the manufacturing nations, or profit by all. But on the precise point at issue to others who pay us in something that those between them and their intelligent opponents, nations will receive. In either case, this law they err through a miscalculation in their pre- inflexibly applies, that, in order to pay for our mises. They assume, first, that a community woolen fabrics, we must produce and sell eighty or individual should always buy where he can millions' worth of agricultural or other staples, buy cheapest, and sell where he can sell dearest; at a price so much below that prevailing elsethat Government should leave all at full liber-where as to admit of their profitable export. If, ty to do so; and that thus will be secured at for instance, we pay to a considerable extent once the greatest incentive and the greatest in Grain or Flour shipped to Europe, we must reward to Productive Industry in all desirable produce Grain so that it shall be considerably branches. In this way, it is urged, those arti-cheaper here than there. Now the average cles which we import from abroad are just as price of Wheat at Odessa, Dantzic, and other truly the product of Home Industry as if grown continental grain-exporting ports, is rather unor fabricated on our own soil, being procured der 90 cents, and it can be thence conveyed to by exchange for articles which we actually did England for 10 to 15 cents per bushel. Now, produce the only difference being that we no matter whether the British Corn Laws are have obtained a greater amount or value from upheld or abolished, if we sell Grain at all to a given quantity of labor, and thus increased England, (and selling it to the Continent is out the inducement to and reward of industry. of the question,) we must produce it so that it Such are the fundamental positions of the ad- will be at least as cheap in our ports as at vocates of Free Trade; we have stated them Odessa and Dantzic. If we are to export any as nearly as may be in their own language, considerable quantity, the price must average and with all their natural plausibility, in order in New York as low as a dollar a bushel, and that their full force may be perceived. in more southern ports still lower. And in

The elemental and fatal error in these pro- order to be sold in New York at one dollar, it positions is, their confusion of the ideas of must be produced in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, price and absolute value. Price is a condition at prices ranging from seventy-five down to wholly arbitrary, and of itself affords no relia- twenty-five cents a bushel, according to the adble measure of cost or value. For instance-vantages of location or facilities of transportlet us suppose that the entire quantiy of ing it to market. The average price paid to Woolen goods required for the annual con- the wheat-growers could not certainly exceed sumption of the United States would cost, if fifty cents a bushel, and would probably fall produced at home, one hundred millions of below that amount.

dollars, while the same goods could be procu But, on the other hand, if we decided to prored from Europe for eighty millions. Now tect the Home Manufacture, and produce our Protection affirms that in this case it would be own Cloths, the bare fact of our so doing seconducive to the welfare of our country, and to cures a Home Market for any probable product the increase of wealth and comfort among our of Grain, and at once raises the price of that people, to protect efficiently the Home Manu- article very nearly or quite to its average rate facture of Woolens, and produce them on our throughout the world. It may be that the dif own soil; while Free Trade asserts that we ference will not be twenty-five per cent. on the should thereby subject ourselves to a dead seaboard, while at the same time it will be a loss of twenty millions. Which is in the hundred per cent. in the interior, where it is wrong? In the absence of a Tariff, the grown. The necessary effect of efficient and goods will flow in from abroad-there is stable Protection, as soon as Manufactures