1 It has also been observed, that the neutrality of the United States, has been the means of circulating to a large amount atticles of the produce and manufacture of this country in the dominions of the enemy, to which we have no direct access; but the evidence given on this point is very imperfect. It appears from this examination of the conduct of Great Britain, that British manufactured goods are an-` nually re-exported to a considerable amount from the United States in American bottoms, and that their principal destination is to the colonies of the enemy in the West Indies and South America: but, though we have no direct access to the enemies' colonies, we have, by means of our free ports in the West Indies, and if this trade was not carried on by the subjects of the United States, it would be by the subjects of Great Britain, viâ these free ports, with this additional benefit and national advantage of being carried there in British bottoms. Another fact, which does not appear to have been noticed in this work is, that America annually imports from the countries of the enemy in Europe manufactures and other merchandize in value of about. 7,300,000, the greatest proportion of which are so imported for the use of the enemies' colonies, and thus by their agency they not only circulate generally the enemy's manufactures, but circulate them where British manufactures would otherwise have gone. the £. 10,000,000 †, said to be imported into the United States from this country, the greatest part is for re-exportation, and would have found its way to the same market, if they had not been sent through America. It is therefore obvious that these shipments do not benefit Great Britain in any national point of view, though they certainly enrich a few individuals and the subjects of the United States and them only; for the outward cargo is shipped in their own vessels to those colonies, from whence they carry to the United States the return cargo of produce with all the profits thereon: the agents of the foreign establishments in Europe then advance funds to the American owner, in order to have the consignment and sale in Europe, which enables him immediately to recommence a new voyage on the same principle. It surely cannot with any propriety or truth be said that Great Britain derives any advantage from this carrying trade of the United State, unless the sale of a few manufactures, which may be * Mr. Baring's Examination, p. 139. + Ibid. 138. Of taken in addition to the regular American consumption, be considered an adequate compensation for the alarming de cline of British shipping and the diminution of our exports to our own colonies; whilst it is clear the trade carried on formerly by British subjects from the free ports in the West Indies has much decreased, with a proportionate depression on other important interests of the country. This statement is not made with any personal or offensive view, but only to shew the public that the United States ought not to expect to carry on this sort of trade entirely to their own advantage, without making Great Britain a party, either by treaty, or by the adoption of such reciprocal regula tions, as will conduce to that end. Had the rule of the war of 1756 been enforced, there would not have been such an enormous increase of American tonnage, and now a cry is raised in favour of that principle, because the late orders in council do not go far enough! Had France possessed the same naval superiority as Great Britain, there is no doubt but the American carrying trade would have been long before this time greatly reduced and brought within its true and legitimate limits. It is therefore melancholy to confess, that Great Britain has supplied the United States with the capital by which they have been thus enriched. Our navy has been to them a shield against the insults of France and Spain; yet endeavours are now made to induce this country to submit to such regulations as the persons holding the power of the government of the United States shall dictate, even as to the manner by which our naval power is to be supported and used. This it is trusted will never be submitted to.. The right of search is to Great Britain an invaluable security in time of war; it has been maintained by every able statesman, and invariably acted upon in the brightest periods of the history of Great Britain; and to take our seamen wherever we find them in the employment of neutrals, must be considered as essentially requisite to the maintenance of our naval power*. Concede these important points, and this country will not only find the American tonnage still continue to increase, but in a very short period British shipping more rapidly decline than hitherto and perhaps in a very few years totally annihilated, * See Sir F. M. Eden on Maritime Rights. H It therefore behoves every man who values his country to exclaim against any measure that will produce such further relaxations of the former system. The evidence recently adduced in opposition to the late energetic measures of government, proves the truth of these observations, and a reference to the examination of Mr.Rathbone of Liverpool on the orders in council bill will show how ruinous the new system has been to the British shipping interest. It is to Great Britain that America owes her present prosperity, and from no other country will she ever receive the same advantages, for, as it has been before stated, we furnish her with a capital and protect her with our navy. The object of these remarks is to prove, that the balance of trade between Great Britain and the United States is very little in favour of the former, and that the trade of America with the continent of Europe is not advantageous to this country: indeed it may with propriety be said, and which experience proves, that since the United States began to extend their shipping and commerce, and especially during the last six years, they have paid this country worse for the manufactures and other articles we have exported there; and for the truth of this assertion an appeal may confidently be made to the persons concerned in this trade. It must be obvious to every person conversant in commerce, that America carries on half her trade with British capital, and which she does on speculative voyages, the time and returns whereof being uncertain, the creditors in Great Britain must remain unpaid for a very considerable period beyond the usual credit; and therefore all the advantages arising from that trade are with America only, in as much as the enormous increase of her shipping tends to swallow up the British capital, and enables them to derive those profits from it, which the regular return of that capital, in her legitimate trade as formerly carried on, gave to the exporters from Great Britain. Previous to dismissing this part of the subject, it may be useful to notice the reproach which has been thrown, even by an advocate of America + on the British government, for some of the indulgences which have been so improvidently See printed Minutes of Evidence, p. 78. + Medford's Oil without Vinegar, p. 53. granted to the subjects of the United States or to individuals connected with them. It is observed, "why Great Britain should be so particular in wishing to restrict the American West India trade appears more unaccountable, as there is no voyage, however contrary to that principle, that by paying the fees of the office in London for a licence, may not be obtained.' Instances* are then given of some of the voyages alluded to, which are followed with pointed remarks on the nature of this traffic; from which, it is evident, Great Britain has most unaccountably accelerated and contributed towards the means of enabling the French government to carry on the war with increased vigour and effect. It is insinuated by this writer †, that the Spanish government being unable to perform the stipulations of the treaty of St. Ildefonso, and to pay the money-subsidy therein agreed to be advanced by Spain to France, that the former had authorised the latter to receive the same at Vera Cruz, from the Spanish treasury there, and that Monsieur Talleyrand had by his agents, obtained permission to bring the same from Vera Cruz to Europe under the protection of the British flag. To prevent such fatal indulgences in future, it is presumed, it is only necessary to mention this most singular transaction; for although it is believed to be "sound policy in the British government to grant licences for neutral ships to take British manufactured goods out to the Spanish colonies, and to bring back specie and produce in return; but that licences should be granted to persons to bring specie home, who send no goods out; that specie too, part of the subsidy due from Spain to France, and that his Majesty's ships of war should be employed, thus to protect the property of the enemy, instead of being employed to capture it, appears to us inexplicable +." To particularize the other observations contained in this examination of the conduct of Great Britain, which are equally to be disregarded with those before selected, would be an unpleasant and irksome task: the following remark is quoted merely to shew the author's further claim to impartiality and candour, having expressed it as his opinion, that, in "such a crisis, to suppose in any writer, the bias of interest, + Ibid. p. 55. Medford's Oil without Vinegar, p. 54. in its confined meaning, in any opinion he may publish, must also suppose the absence of common sense *. "" L'on ne vant dans ce monde que ce que l'ont veut valoir. It is also observed," a few years must determine the fate of "this country, and it can hardly be supposed that merchants, "naturally more interested in preserving than in acquiring, "should be occupied with collecting a few paltry profits from "their trade, at the expence of their dearest interest. It "would be the folly of a man expecting to get rich by the "plunder of his own wreck." Improbable as this supposition may appear, how often does it happen, that when the vessel is in extreme distress, the infatuated crew, instead of uniting in exertion for their general preservation, become insubordinate and regardless of each other's safety, commit excesses, and whilst intoxicated meet their fate, and "Give themselves o'er contentedly to drown t. Such, it is to be lamented, has often been the conduct of misguided individuals, who, rather than forego the gra tification of their ambition or the furtherance of their own views, have impeded the measures of protectionand defence adopted by the state, and suffered the transient feelings of the moment to outweigh more important con siderations; regardless of the permanent interests of their Gountry, and the love they ought to have felt for the general welfare. "Our wisdom must be such, as doth not propose to itself our own particular, the partial and immoderate de "sire whereof poisoneth wheresoever it taketh place; but "the scope and mark, which we are to aim at, is the public ❝ and common goodt In the passages, particularly referred to, it is stated "a candid consideration of the history of this trade, can "leave no doubt on what side the encroachments so much talked of began; instead of imputing the complaints of the Ame ricans to their desire of availing themselves of OUR dangers for the ungenerous purpose of advancing extravagant pres tensions; we should rather ACCUSE OURSELVES of taking advantage of the unprotected state of her commerce to + Bank's Island Queens. 5 Mr. Baring's Examination, p.97.· * Mr. Baring's Introduction, p. 4. Hooker.. |