that he was at Carlton-house. He had since learned that the occasion of this military parade was, that the Lord Mayor and Corporation of London had been to the Prince Regent with an address; but was this a reason for blocking up the streets and interrupting peaceable citizens? He was extremely surprised at this occurrence after the pledge which had given by the Secretary of State; and he thought it his duty to move for a copy of the order under which the military were authorised to act this day in Pall Mall and its vicinity.

Lord Sidmouth, in opposing the motion, stated that the military were not called out under the order of the secretary of state; but that whenever they were called out for the purpose of individual accommodation or public convenience, he thought it right that an adequate number of peace officers should be in attendance, and that accordingly positive directions had been issued from his office to the magistrates of Westminster to have peace officers attending upon all such occasions. There appeared, however, to be a want of the communication necessary for informing the civil power in these cases; and in the present instance no such had been made.

Earl Fitzwilliam contended that what had been advanced by the noble secretary went directly in favour of the motion; since from his own statement it was clear that he had known nothing of the military being called out on this day, and it therefore was the more incumbent on the House to

enquire after the authority under which this had been done,

In the course of the debate, Lord Sidmouth having held, that when it was necessary to call out the military for the preservation of the public peace, it ought to be done only in subordination to the civil power; but that in cases where they were merely called out for purposes of state, or public convenience, this obligation did not apply: some of the lords in opposition regarded this doctrine as a serious matter, tending to a violation of the constitution, and partaking of a military despotism. After the debate had proceeded to some length, a division took place, in which there appeared, For the motion 16; Against it 33.

The Marquis of Buckingham then gave notice, that he would on an ensuing day move an address to the Prince Regent on the subject.

On the same day Lord Milton rose in the House of Commons; and after stating the circumstance which had occurred to his friend the Earl of Essex, and dwelt upon the recurrence of such a subject of complaint, he moved, "That there be laid before the House a copy of the orders issued to such of his Majesty's life-guards as were on duty this day within the city and liberties of Westminster."

As the arguments in the debate on this occasion necessarily took the same turn with those employed in the other House, it would be useless to advert to particulars. Lord Castlereagh, who, it may be remarked, chiefly aimed at representing the question as trifling and frivolous,, moved upon it the previous

1

previous question, which was carried against the motion by 112 votes against 58.

On the 17th the Marquis of Buckingham rose in the House of Lords to submit his proposition respecting military obstructions in the streets; and after stating the case in question, declared his intended motion to be, "That an humble address be presented to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, praying that he would inform the House by whose orders the military had been called out on the 13th of this month, and what was the nature of the orders under which they acted." The marquis then said, he thought it right to state that he had watched the conduct of the military yesterday, and was happy to say that it was highly exemplary, and that the police officers had been in 'attendance. If, therefore, the noble viscount (Sidmouth) would assure the House that the power and control over the military on these occasions would be placed in the hands of ministers and the civil power, he should be ready to withdraw the motion.

Lord Sidmouth, in reply, entered into a statement of his conduct on this and the former occurrence of a similar kind. He said, he took no blame to himself for not having sooner made the proper arrangement in this matter. He had examined the journ

on

als of parliament and the records of his office, and had found no instance of communication these occasions. Such had been the practice; whether legal or not he had not stated. He acknowledged, however, that the paramount authority was the civil, and that the military ought only to be used in cases of necessity, or as auxiliary to the civil power in these matters of police. He admitted that there ought to be a public responsible person, and that the Secretary of State ought to be consulted, though it had never been so. Now when the subject had been brought before their lordships, he did say that some effectual arrangement ought to be made. The Marquis would use his discretion whether or not to withdraw his motion.

The Marquis of Buckingham was extremely happy to hear the declaration of the Viscount, and thought himself not only justified in withdrawing his motion, but called upon to do so.

Lord Sidmouth being asked by the Earl of Essex as to the manner in which the duty of the sole management and control upon these occasions was assigned to the home department, answered, that he had received the Prince Regent's commands to take this duty upon himself as secretary of state for the home department.

The motion was withdrawn.

CHAPTER

the 26th of April Sir J.

of Commons to submit a motion concerning the state of Ireland. He commenced his preliminary speech with a historical view of those errors of government which had brought it to its present condition, and began with the period of James I. in which the luminous work of Sir John Davis affords an excellent guide. From this work he quoted the following passage, which may be considered as the basis of the right hon. baronet's idea of meliorating the state of the country. "There is no nation under the sun that doth love equal and impartial justice better than the Irish, or will rest better satisfied with the execution thereof, although it be against themselves, so as they may have the protection and benefit of the law, when upon just cause they do desire it."

He then passed through all the systems and principal measures of Irish government from that age down to the present time, with a rapidity which precludes abridgment: and after touching upon the existing evils of the country, he said, "We are now arrived at a season of profound tranquillity; and if the House shall decide that no attempt shall

be made to trace to their source

and endanger the empire, it will be my duty to bow to their decision, but I shall then deeply deplore the day which connected Ireland to this country by legislative union." The right hon. member concluded with a motion which we copy at length.

"That an humble address be presented to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, humbly to represent, that the necessity of providing an army of 25,000 men in time of profound peace, to secure the internal tranquillity of Ireland, obliges us to consider the state of that great, valuabie, and interesting portion of the united kingdom, as most distressing and afflicting to the legislature, and dangerous in an extreme degree to the well-being of the empire: That we feel ourselves imperiously called upon by a sense of public duty to direct to the consideration of this important subject our earnest and undivided attention: That we therefore pray his Royal Highness may be pleased to order, that there be laid before us, with convenient speed, such documents as may put us fully in possession of the extent and nature of the evils which demand the temporary

temporary application of this great military force, and may enable us to proceed with active and unceasing energy to their complete investigation: That we have armed the executive government with all the means requisite to suppress tumult and punish outrage; and we would now apply all our powers to a deliberate examination of the existing evils, and the causes from whence they originate, as the surest foundation for affording to his Royal Highness the cordial and active concurrence of this House in such measures as shall be proposed for their effectual removal, and for adopting such other wholesome and efficacious remedies, formed in the spirit of British constitutional legislation, as may appear to our dispassionate judgment most adequate to effect the extirpation of those evils with which Ireland is afflicted, and to rescue that fair portion of the empire from its present depression and disorganization."

Mr. Peel, on rising to explain and defend the measures pursued by the government with which he was connected, began with an acknowledgment of the tone of moderation which the right hon. baronet had in general displayed. With certain parts of the address which he had proposed it was his intention to concur, but he thought it precipitate to pledge the House to a general inquiry without explaining the kind of inquiry which it was desired to institute, and how it was to be conducted. Before following the details into which he had entered, the right hon. gentleman supposed a statement of the pre

the

sent condition of Ireland would be expected from him. Generally speaking (he said) the north of Ireland was tranquil, no disturbance prevailing there except what arose from illicit distillation, and the consequent opposition to the revenue laws in certain districts. The extreme west, and the counties of Mayo, Galway, and Carlow were comparatively tranquil; and same might be said of the south, of Cork, Wexford, &c. The cast was likewise so far tranquil, that no applications to government for extraordinary police had been made from those counties. The counties in which disturbances actually prevailed were Tipperary, King's County, Westmeath, and Limerick. The magistrates of King's County had requested the application of the insurrection act, but had since petitioned for its removal, asserting that tranquillity was perfectly restored. In Westmeath and Limerick a considerable improvement had taken place, but the insurrection act was still in force. The magistrates of Louth and Cavan had petitioned the government for the application, not of the insurrection act, but of the extraordinary police act. This was the general state of the country; but nothing was more difficult than to give a character of the precise nature of the disturbances now agitating it. Formerly tumults and outrages might be traced to particular causes; but those which now prevailed seemed to be the effect of a general confederacy in crime-a systematic opposition to all laws and municipal institutions. The right hon. gentleman

gentleman adduced facts in proof of this position, and then proceeded to an examination of the statements made by the right hon. baronet, and to a discussion of the alleged causes of the evils for which remedies might be adopted. As we cannot give a concise view of his speech, we must content ourselves with transcribing the amendment to the former speaker's motion, with which he concluded.

"That an humble address be presented to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, expressing our deep regret that the internal state of Ireland in time of peace, renders it necessary to maintain a large military force in that country for the present year, for the purpose of assisting in the execution of the law, and in the preservation of public tranquillity; and entreating that his Royal Highness will be graciously pleased to direct that there be laid before this House a statement of the nature and extent of the disturbances which have recently prevailed in Ireland, and the measures which have been adopted by the government of that country in consequence thereof."

The competition between the two addresses necessarily called forth the exertions of the most considerable speakers on topics relative to Ireland, on both sides of the House; among those of the opposition being numbered Mr. Plunkett, Mr. Gratian, and Mr. Ponsonby, among the supporters of government, Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald, and Lord Castlereagh, The debate was at length terminated by a division, in which the VOL, LYHI....

votes for the amendment were 187, those against it, 103: Majority in its favour 84.

On the same day, April 26th, on which this debate took place, a petition was presented to the House of Commons by Sir Henry Parnell, which, as making a commencement of the parliamentary transactions of the year relative to the Roman Catholics, may here be properly introduced, and carried on without interruption to the close of the session.

The hon. member said that he rose to present a petition from certain Roman Catholics of Ireland, which had been agreed to at a general meeting held at Dublin, and the proceedings of which were entirely regular. There was another petition from another description of persons of the same persuasion which was to be presented in a few days, and which had been considered as a proof of difference of opinion which might defeat the application of the petitioners to parliament in the present session; but he thought that the difference, upon examination, would not be found one of a solid character. The present petition abstained entirely from the mention of all ecclesiastical arrangement; the other stated that the petitioners were ready to submit to any regulations not incompatible with the principles and discipline of their religion. It had hence been inferred that there was a great degree of difference between the partics; but it could not correctly be supposed that the persons whose petition he now presented were so unreasonable as to reject all mea[E]

!sures