duchy, during his minority, came first to be considered in 1795; and in every consultation upon the mode of making it effectual, the prince had always made a proviso, that no measure to be pursued should imply any dispute between him and his royal father. When it was thought proper to proceed, by presenting a petition of right, the lord chancellor was applied to, who intimated, that he did not consider it as belonging to his official duty to present such a petition to the king. In 1796, however, the petition was prepared; and after it had lain over a time, the prince wrote the lord chancellor on the subject, who returned for answer, that he did not think it within the province of his official duties to present such a petition to the king. Since that time, no other mode of presenting it being found, nothing farther had been done in it. This statement he had made to show that the prince wished that this question should not be considered as between the king and himself.

best way for him to succeed in any claims he might conceive he had, was to bring them forward constitutionally. For his part, he thought, that, owing to the influcnce which a right hon. gentleman opposite had acquired in the House, by his eloquence, or some other means, the prince of Wales, on every occasion where a question concerning him was brought forward, had been treated by the House in a degrading and shameful manner. [Here the hon. baronet was called to order. The Speaker observed, that to say the House treated any branch of the royal family in a degrading and shameful manner was unparliamentary.] He meant to say, that in his opinion the prince of Wales, in consequence of the influence of a right hon. gentleman opposite, had been treated in a manner unworthy of the House. He had seen, that by loans, and jobs, and pensions, the minister could always procure support to his own measures: he was jealous, therefore, of the influence of ministers. He thought the prince should be made independent: that he should be encouraged to bring forward his claims in a constitutional manner, that he might have no temptation to become the slave of administration. When he considered the nature of the profusion of ministers, when he saw pensions given to rich earls daughters, and made the subject of marriage settlements; when emigrant French clergy and noblesse were supported by money voted in parliament, he was surprised how any gentleman could stickle about taking the claims of the prince of Wales into consideration. He had no objection to a just degree of splendorin the crown; and he thought any one might look at the splendor of St. James's without being dazzled; but he did not think that the prince ought to be treated with contempt. The late administration had shown a marked disregard for the prince of Wales. He thought the prince almost one of the worst used men in the kingdom. Ministers had treated him with equal contempt as those whom they had confined in Cold Bath Fields. Indeed, they treated all those, of whatever rank or station, who did not support their measures, and would not be subservient to their views, with indignity or with rigour.

Colonel Grosvenor had come to the House inclined to favour the claims of the prince; but the arguments he had heard had convinced him, that he could not venture upon the decision of the right.

Mr. Johnstone expressed great surprise, that gentlemen who had opposed the vote on the civil list, could consent to load the public with the sums now claimed. It appeared to him to justify what had been said of public men, that they were indifferent about what sums might be imposed on the nation, until the contest was about, through whose hands they should pass. Mr. Calcraft thought the prince's claim

entitled to the attention of the House.

Sir F. Burdett conceived that the cases of voting money to the civil list, and voting for examining into a claim of right by the prince of Wales were very different. It was the duty of every member to be jealous of the application of the civil list money, especially after repeated arrears had occurred, and when it was strongly suspected that the public money was unconstitutionally applied by ministers. No such jealousy was to be entertained of the prince. While this constitution existed, it was right that a suitable degree of splendor should be assigned to the prince. Surely there was no proportion in the extent, and none in the danger to be apprehended from the sums voted to the one, and the sums voted to the other. Besides, it was right to teach the prince, that the

Mr. Ellis said, he deprecated whatever brought burthens on the people, as much as any man; and as to the present question, he conceived it to be of that kind with which the House had nothing to do.

Earl Temple said, he should have given a silent vote, were it not for what had fallen from the hon. baronet, which he thought made it necessary for every independent man to state his reasons for the vote he should give. His lordship then delivered his opinion, that the House was not a fit place for the discus. sion of the prince's right.

Mr. Jones said, that the claims of the prince were comprehended in one word, and that was, justice. He thought the honour of the House, and the dignity of the empire were at stake: "Fiat justitia ruat cœlum."

Mr. Manners Sutton observed, that nothing could be more unfounded, than the assertion, that he came there to involve his majesty and the prince in vari. ance; that could not possibly be the case; for the question was not between the prince and his majesty, but between the prince and the public. His majesty had no right to receive the revenues in question; nor, in fact did he receive them: they were received by the public; and he asked them of the latter in parliament, the only constitutional representative of the public. His learned friend had said, that the only remedy was by an adverse suit at law. He was not aware how this was practicable; as, in the opinion of one of the first legal authorities in the country (Mr. Hargrave), no petition of right could lie with respect to personal property. He knew not by what rule of law the king could be called on to restore, even supposing his majesty to be the object of application; but he would repeat, that if the king did receive and should resist, the prince would not enforce his claim.

The question being put, "That the other orders of the day be now read," the House divided:

Mr. Canning's Motion for Papers respecting the Island of Trinidad.] ́April 2. -Mr. Canning said, that the present motion was preliminary to one, of which he had also given notice, relative to the cultivation of the Island of Trinidad. He did not disguise, that his attention was di rected to the question relative to the slave trade, though he did not mean then to enter into the discussion of that question; but, often as it had been discussed, he had never heard any one attempt to maintain that if the trade did not now exist, it ought to be commenced. There had been only two points relative to this subject that had been decided upon by the House; the one in 1792, that the slave trade should be gradually abolished; and the

ment would be done, to give it full effect; | but no inference was to be drawn from this acquiescence, that the motion would. be the means of procuring all the information that was expected.

General Gascoyne said, that the right hon. mover had asked, whether, if the slave trade had not yet existed, any member of parliament would venture to recommend its institution? Now, there certainly was such a member of parliament, and he was that person. He would say, that if the slave trade had never existed, viewing, as he did, the beneficial consequences of it to this country, it ought to be commenced now. The advantages of this trade were immense; they were not confined to the town that he represented, but were diffused over the whole country. The motion was then agreed to.

Debate on the Budget.] April 5. The House having resolved itself into a Committee of Ways and Means, the several acts passed relative to the Income Tax, and the accounts that had been presented, were ordered to be referred to the said committee.

Mr. Chancellor Addington said, that whatever might be the reflexions which presented themselves to his mind at the present moment, he should abstain from uttering any, except those which appeared to be absolutely necessary. would be his first duty to remind the committee of the Supplies already voted, which were as follow:

It

By this it appeared, that the period for which these sums were voted for the navy, army, ordnance, and miscellaneous services was for five months only. There would remain seven months more to be voted in the committee of supply; but, under the present circumstances of the country, it was not his intention to propose now any resolutions for the remaining seven months for the navy or army; but, in the mean time, he could assure the committee, that every retrenchment that was practicable should take place. There would, therefore, remain to be voted for the navy, army, ordnance, &c. for seven months, and some for miscellaneous services. The Ways and Means, as they now stood, were as follow:

Duties on pensions, offices,

&c. and malt duties

....

......

Surplus subscription on exchequer bills funded Loan to be provided for by Great Britain.. 23,000,000 Ireland 2,000,000

......

Amount of Ways and Means voted on or before the 5th

£. 3. d. 2,750,000 0 0

180,874 0 0

25,000,000 00

27,930,874 0

of April

MEM.-Remains to be voted.

Surplus Consolidated Fund, to the 5th of January 1803 Exchequer Bills on Supplies 1803 Lottery

Loan to be contracted in Ireland

Stock created by Loan 1802

The terms of the loan were 65 3 per cent consols, 60 reduced. Deferred stock, 6. 19s. 3d.; making together 1317. 19s. 3d. for every 100l. of money. The 3 per cent consols were taken at 754, being 14 per cent more than the market price at the close of Saturday. The reduced, generally estimated at 1 per cent under the consols, were taken at 14 above the market price on Saturday also. This bargain he considered as perfectly satisfactory and auspicious to the greatest degree. On the subject of the tax on income, he could assure the House, that the step which he was about to take was the result of his own thought; and that not only from what he had felt in his own breast for a considerable time, but that which he had communicated to others, who, if necessary, would vouch it for him; and he was sure the hon. gentleman opposite would do him the justice to say, that in January last he spoke with reserve upon that subject, and begged that no inference should be drawn as to the course which might be thought advisable by the executive government to pursue; all he said, or meant to say, at that time was, that the income tax was a measure much too important for the House to let go during the continuance of the war. He should be

sorry if the measure he was about to take was the result of a change in his opinion, as to the policy of continuing this tax had the war continued; for, upon that subject, he knew he differed from many hon. members, for whose judgment he had great respect He was, however, bound to declare, that it was his thorough and entire conviction, that it was to the wisdom which originated that tax, and the firm ness which induced the House to persist in it, that the country was indebted for the comforts we now had; for it was by that system that we were enabled to surmount the difficulties with which, during the last three years, we had to struggle; and it was from that conviction also he now recommended that this burthen should not be left to rest on the shoulders of the public in time of peace, because it should be reserved for the important occasions which, he trusted, would not soon recur. In that sense of the matter, he should always look to this mode of impost to be carried into effect, with little difference from that which now subsisted, except as to such modifications as might render it more efficient; he thought it worthy of the credit and the character of this country, to look forward to such a resource, in the painful event of being obliged to struggle for its honour and independence: not that he apprehended such a condition likely to be our lot soon; but he thought it his duty to state the sentiments he entertained on this subject

sentiments which he believed he should never change. He had now, however, the satisfaction of proposing an exoneration to the extent of this impost for the people of this country. He had stated, that it was his painful duty to suggest to the committee, the taxes by which he proposed that interest was to be provided for 97,934,4377.; and he should commence this head of what he had to submit, with observing, that it was impossible to satisfy the claim of interest on such a sum, without proposing taxes which must bear hard on the people. All he would ask of the committee was, to follow up the principle which had governed our conduct of late, namely, that of looking our debts and engagements fairly in the face.

Without further preface he should proceed to lay before the committee, the taxes, by which he proposed to provide the means of raising the supply. The first he had to propose was a tax on malt, hops, and beer. On malt. Is, Od.

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