belonging to private merchants, was tish empire. For who, he would ask, 21. 6s. 9d.; whereas, in 1800, it amount- were those "reputable" authorities from ed to 351. As to the notion, that the re- whom the hon. baronet derived his inport which the Lascars might give in formation on this subject, but the servants India of their British connexions in Wap- of the company in India, and their corping, tending to subvert the British do- respondents in this country, conniving minions in India, or to reduce the British with them to wrest, if possible, all the adcharacter, it was too ridiculous to deserve vantage of India commerce out of the a serious answer. He was not inclined hands of its legal possessors. The hon. to join with those who supposed that these baronet had termed the court of directors Lascars would ever be preferred to British a court of aristocracy, whose authority seamen, for they were not so cheap. He was as dangerous to the true interests of applauded the disposition manifested by the company, as it was to those of this the company to adjust the dispute with country, in relation to the possession of the private traders, and hoped the plan India. But he begged leave to vindicate proposed for the two ensuing years would the directors from such a charge. Upon serve as the basis of some future arrange- the introduction of the act of 1793, for ment. With these views of the subject, renewing the charter of the company, a he would give his decided opposition to principal object avowed by parliament any proposal endangering the establish- was, the promotion of interest to the mament of the company; convinced that its nufacturers of Great Britain and Ireland; existence, through the medium of a well- and on the part of the company, it was regulated monopoly, was essential to the earnestly desired that the parties intersecurity of the state; and that the trans-ested would come forward and state what fer of the authority which it possessed to the government, would give it a degree of over-awing power, that would render the existence of the constitution itself extremely precarious. they wished, in order that every reasonable claim might be complied with. The consequence of which was, that a stipulation was brought forward by the right hon. gentleman who introduced that bill, Sir F. Baring said, that the hon. baro- which required that 3,000 tons of shipping net who introduced this question, had should be uptaken by the company for called it a commercial one, materially in- the purpose of carrying the private trade volving the trading rights of this country; to Indía, and bringing back produce in but he would beg leave to term it a ques- return. To this the directors agreed, and tion in support of the claims of an illegiti- even declared their own indifference as to mate description of traders, against the the nation of which such ships should be, interest and chartered rights of a legal whether Irish or English. But if any deand legitimate body, whose interests and scription of ships was to be proposed, whose objects must of necessity partici- subversive of the principle which was to pate in those of the empire; for, in fact, make the river Thames the medium of reunder the former description only, could ception, or on board of which British seahe estimate those men in India from whom men were not to be the navigators, the dioriginated this question: they were chil-rectors were prepared decidedly to reject dren rising against their parents-servants it. Any departure from this principle labouring to subvert the interests of their would have been injurious to the interests masters-creatures who owed every thing of the British navy. But if this stipulathat they possessed to the patronage, pro- tion was not made, the persons in India, tection, and support of that very company from whom the present question origiwhose legal authority and legitimate in-nated, would have decidedly rejected Briterest they now sought to subvert, under tish ships, and have preferred their own the pretence of vindicating the commer- teak vessels; and instead of confining cial rights of British subjects; but in their commerce to the Thames for proreality with a view to convert this country moting the interests of British manufacinto a colony, and India into a mother tures, would have made use of them to country, and to lay the foundation of fu- carry on a trade with all the ports in Euture subversion to the institution of the rope. Such was the conduct of the serIndia company, which the legislature of vants of the company in India, who have this country had so long cherished and made their fortunes under the protection supported, on the fullest conviction of its of the company. But what was the preimportance to the prosperity of the Bri-tence of those persons for employing brought to this country by the homeward bound ships from India, the difference was this-the India company alone had provided for them an establishment affording them maintenance and protection, and in whereas, it was the interest, and seemingly the object of the private trader, to induce them to desert, and then abandon them to their fate. The directors of the India company acted on the whole of this business, not from any impulse of private interest, but from a sense of public duty : on that ground, they bowed to no man, however high his rank or station, and therefore he could not admit the charge imputed to them by the hon. baronet, of having acted from principles of self interest upon self-elected authority. But the persons from whom the representation of the hon. baronet originated - though they were viewed by the discernment of lord Cornwallis in a just point of view, as individuals, whose private interests were opposed to those of the company, to whom they owed every thing, and as such kept at a distance by that noble lord, were, on the contrary, taken to the arms of marquis Wellesley, favoured by his confidence, and by him supported, in direct opposition to the interests of the company. And what was the conduct of those very men in the last year? Why, that, acting as private traders, their investments being on board private ships, which sailed singly, they reached India long before the company's fleet, which was obliged to await the completion of all their cargoes, and sail in company with convoy; by which means the private ships had not only forestalled the markets there before their arrival, but bought up new freights of country goods for remittance to England, to forestall them there also. Furnished with such privileges as these, the private traders enjoyed greater advantages and indulgence than the company under their charter; for they, in fact, enjoyed all the advantages of trade, without paying any thing for the political expenses of maintaining it. India-built vessels instead of British? | That they could supply Europe with the produce of India upon terms considerably cheaper. But what was the proof on the contrary? Why, that M. Pellier, a French agent, had offered the government in In-sured them return to their native country; dia to pay a price for their commodities on the spot adequate to 10 per cent over and above the investment price, and to convey them to Europe in French bottoms. How, then, could any individual in the private trade pretend that he could supply France with India commodities cheaper than the India company?-With respect to the nature of the homeward India trade, it was, he said, divided under three distinct heads, viz.-1. The foreign trade. 2. The private trade to the river Thames. 3. The company's own trade. By the last returns at the India house, it appeared, that the private trade had increased within the last two years, 300,000l.; the foreign in a still greater proportion; but it was uniformly found, that the trade of the company decreased, as that of the private traders advanced; and consequently, their commercial interests were injured, not by foreigners, but by their own servants. The foreign trade, in fact, had increased of late years more than ever; but with this difference, that not a single article of foreign manufacture was consumed in our India settlements, silver only being the article in exchange for the commodities of the country, while British manufactures were the only articles of European consumption, and taken in exchange for the produce brought home to England. With respect to shipping, he would state the reason why the growth of ship timber in this country was not greater; it was, because there was not a competition sufficient for its encouragement. The navy board held out no adequate inducement for country gentlemen to grow their timber to an extraordinary size; and therefore they cut it down only at that size when, by competition between the navy and the private ship-builders, they were sure of a good price; but he was convinced that the proposed importation of large ships from India, to supply our navy, was to place the English country gentleman in a still worse state than before, with regard to the growth of timber. With respect to the employment of Lascars in preference to British seamen, such an idea he believed was too ridiculous to require refutation; but with respect to that description of seamen But, not contented with a participation even on such terms, they now made a demand, which, if acceded to, nothing more was left to grant, and a foundation would be thereby laid for the speedy subversion of the company. But, however specious the pretences of those men, with respect to the cheapness of freights on board of India-built ships were, they would be rendered completely nu gatory by the events of peace. The project was taken up in a period of war, and in the full contemplation of its continuance; and it was consequently followed up for the present. But it would be found, that the consequent abatements in the rate of freightage on board British vessels, the cessation of all risks from war, and the expence of convoy, would so reduce the expences of freight in British bottoms, and still more in other vessels of Europe, as completely to do away every claim of preference to India built vessels. But, even suppose a preference was still due on account of cheapness to Indiabuilt vessels, he begged to know why the India company should be precluded from the advantage, under a charter for which it so dearly paid?-or why a preference should be given to their servants-or, if the spirit of the British Navigation act was to be rigidly maintained in respect to the former, upon what ground of justice or expediency was it to be relaxed in favour of the latter? Mr. Metcalf said, he should confine his observations principally to two points. the first was, the source from which the motion originated. It was from a combination, long, insidiously, and clandestinely carried on by persons in India, who had been the servants of the company, and who owed the means they possessed solely to the protection of that company. These men, aided by accomplices in England, men of no inconsiderable property, and amongst whom were men of no mean talents, had for a long time set up an interest, and for many years past carried on a trade, directly opposed to the interests of their masters; but, not content with availing themselves of the privilege of tonnage, they availed themselves of the flags of foreign nations, and supplied all the countries of Europe with the produce of India, to the great injury of the company; and to such a pitch was this clandestine trade carried, that at one time they actually had 50,000 tons of shipping at Calcutta, under foreign flags, ready to carry their commodities to every port in Europe, and their settle ments elsewhere; but the spirited conduct of the governor of St. Helena soon checked their progress, by seizing several of those ships, and sending them for the investigation of a court of admiralty, many of which were condemned as lawful prizes. Having thus lost their interest in the conveyance by neutral bottoms, * they now came forward with a proposi tion, of carrying on their trade with England in their own teak ships, and they had found means to interest in their cause, several men of respectability. The object of the hon. baronet was, to convey home from India the surplus produce purchased by the fortunes of the company's servants; but the mode he proposed aimed at nothing less than the opening of the privileges of the charter to those private traders who were the objects of his advocacy; the consequence of which which would be, that memorials would come from every community of traders in Great Britain and Ireland to participate in the privilege. The legislature had pledged its faith to the company and to the country; and he trusted that that faith would not now be violated, without the fullest proof of its justice and necessity. If the charters of the India company were to be violated, where was the security for those of the Bank of England, of the city of London, or the many other great charters with which the liberty, prosperity, and security of the nation were so materially connected? Mr. W. Dundas was unwilling to violate the chartered rights of the company, but when that company had avowed their willingness to concede in favour of private trade, he felt it his duty to close with them. An bon. baronet had said, that 3,000 tons of shipping was sufficient for the conveyance of the private trade between England and India; but he would ask how this could possibly answer for a trade so very much increased since the settlement of this regulation? The hon. baronet had also asserted, that such was the state of opposition between the private traders and the company's interest, or the home trade with India, that, in proportion as the former increased, the latter always decreased. Unfortunately for this assertion, in 1794-5 the sales of the India company amounted to 5,521,000l.; the private sales to 1,053,000%. From this period they continued in progressive increase till the year 1801-2, when the company's sales were, 7,600,000!.; the private sales 2,382,000l., a proof this, of the rapid increase in both. Mr. Jones denied that the motion, if granted, would sacrifice the foreign trade of India, or, that it might be used as an engine for the destruction of the com pany's charter. In his opinion, the di rectors had not given due encourage ment to the private traders, under the act of 1793. He entertained no fears with respect to the adoption of the proposition, nor did he think that by it we should lose the sovereignty of the seas. The application was not for an attack upon the charter, but only for an inquiry into a grievance, the existence of which was acknowledged. The object of the motion was fair and laudable; and its adoption would tend to the salvation of the India company, and the general prosperity of the nation. Mr. Tierney said, that the first ground on which he should oppose the motion was, the charter of the India company, which vested in the court of directors, the sole control in this affair; and, without violating that charter, and with it the faith of the nation on which it stood supported, it was impossible to comply with the motion. If he conceived there was any thing in that charter contrary to the public welfare, or that the motion before the House was calculated to remove any such principle in the privileges of the India company, there was no man in the House less disposed than he was to be deterred by such cant as the phrase of" chartered rights," from acceding to the inquiry proposed. But neither proof nor argument had been adduced to convince him that any necessity for such inquiry existed. The bill for renewing the charter of the India company had been drawn by an able hand; and by this bill a line was drawn, by which the limits of private and public trade with India were amicably adjusted. A regulation was in reality exacted from the company in favour of private traders, by which 3,000 ton of shipping was exclusively appointed for the convenience of the private trade; and discretionary powers vested in the court of directors to extend that quantity, if occasion should require. But now an attempt was made for opening that bill again to consideration, in his mind impolitic and unneces tary. Not one single proof was adduced, of any injury to any party. How, then, were the assertions of the hon. baronet supported? Not by the public voice, for in all England there did not appear to be 500 persons in support of his opinions. A board of control had been appointed under the act, and the rates of freight settled, at 151. per ton outwards, and 51. home, subject to further revision as occasion might require. But did it ever enter into the contemplation of any man, that [VOL. XXXVI.] India-built shipping was intended by the act? He remembered a proposition of the sort being brought forward by the company some years ago, and he well recollected the general alarm it created on both sides the river. What was the claim set up by the men who now demanded such a privilege? Why, no pretence of right, but a pretty plain menace, that if you refused them the privilege, they were ready to employ the ships of rival nations: a menace, which, in his mind, did not go to entitle them to much indulgence from that House. The worthy baronet had sanctioned his proposal under the name and example of the marquis Wellesley. To that nobleman, high in character and learning, no man was more ready to pay respectful deference than he was; and, had the question been one of classical research, no man would have more cheerfully bowed to the judgment of the noble lord. But, upon the subject of policy and regulation for the government of India, he was not quite so ready to surrender his own judgment. The House had been told by the right hon. gentleman who introduced the East India charter, that this country would very shortly derive an aid of half a million a year from the company. He should have no objection to see the money brought forward; but, unfortunately for the prophet, his prediction was yet unfulfilled. He expressed his sincere regret that this question had been brought forward; for if in India, an idea once went forth that the servants of the company were able to triumph over their masters in an appeal to parliament, there was no calculating the mischiefs that might ensue. If the use of India shipping was such a tower of strength to the servants of the company, why was it not equally advan tageous to the company themselves? But, if once granted to the servants, he had the most serious fears for the extent of colonization in India. For, allowing that the agents were to obtain what they wished, would their claims end there? Would such claimants be content with what they now pretended was the full measure of their desires? If the charter of the company was once attacked and laid open, what security would there remain for any exclusive privilege or regulation which now existed? If cheapness in the conduct of the trade was the grand argument of the agents, consider to what it might go :-it might be found out, that the [X] [308 every thing was wild and uncultivated. Sir W. Pulteney's Motion for a Committee In India every thing was made. Besides other establishments there was an army; and, though the fidelity and merit of that army were indisputable, such were the habits of the company's servants, that the military, among others, expected to profit by any new facilities of trade. Houses would be established, and become hereditary in India, with immense wealth. It was said that capital would find its it would seek the mother country; but way to England. He did not doubt that in a new state of things, and new hereditary commercial establishments, it was not so easy to determine which was the mother country. The real mother country was that where a man resided, that where he enjoyed his advantages; and surely this view of the case would be most natural to those who professed to be guided merely by views of cheapness and superior gain. that English ship-building was to be transferred to India? It was pretended, But was it nothing that the ship-builders in the Thames would be equally benefited by the repair of India-built ships coming to the river. This, however, was not well founded. He found, that out of 200,000l. expended one year on ships of this description, really belonged to ship-building. It was not 20,000l. was expended in articles that a very serious matter that the work of the ship-builders at home should be transferred to any other quarter. He could not consent that India-built vessels should be set up in rivalship with our own. After the services of our dock-yards at home, those concerned in them, might have reason to complain, if advantages against them were given to India-built ships; and it ought to be remembered how useful, on many occasions, the dockyards appropriated chiefly to East India shipping had been. even to the cheapness of India-built ships, he was not convinced. In the price of But with respect consist, as most of the articles of outfit the timber alone could that cheapness the whole, when he considered the offers were sent out from this country. Upon made by the company, he thought the little. directors did rather too much than too trade was not carried on most advantageously to the port of London; it might be said that greater facilities, that cheaper warehouses, &c. could be obtained at Liverpool, at Glasgow, or any other port of Great Britain or Ireland. New applications would be made, memorials and complaints would pour in on every side against the obstacles raised by the company, and demanding new facilities, till the whole system of the India company, and the present connexion of this country with India, was destroyed. Those claimants would have the popular side of the question; they would hold out the captivating language of bringing all the trade of India to the port of London: it would be said, that we might easily exclude foreigners from participating in our advantages; London, they would say, would be rendered the emporium of the world; and there would not be wanting those who would be charmed with those brilliant prospects. But, in fact, it was doubtful whether, if practicable, it was advantageous that foreigners should be deprived of their share in the trade. He saw no advantage in producing that envy and disgust among other nations which would render peace insecure. possible to exclude foreigners. It was Nor, in fact, was it proved, that though the private trade had increased, the trade of foreign nations with British India had increased likewise. Complaints had been made that the act of 1793 had not succeeded in its objects, and that now it was necessary to carry its spirit into effect. This, indeed, appeared a strange conclusion. For his part, on the face of it there appeared to be ground to think that it had succeeded, and that in the very point of the private trade. It appeared that, in the year previous to the passing of that act, the private trade had amounted in value to about 800,000l., and now it had advanced to 2,300,000l. The danger of colonization, the increase of trade had an obvious tendency to render greater; the company would naturally, therefore, be more careful in granting licences for residence in their territories. But, would it not be required that, with the increase of trade, a greater number of merchants should be in India to carry it on? What bounds then could be set to the increase of resident merchants in India? It was true, that the circumstances of India and America were very unlike. In America, upon the opinion entertained of the com- |