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aught we know, approve of our own exclusion from the ports of Portugal, which was understood to form an article of that treaty. The comfort given to us by the noble lord, that we may be better by the definitive treaty, and cannot be worse than now fixed, is as fallacious as his former reasoning; for the same observation is as just, and I fear will be more effectual, in the mouth of France, that they also may be better by the definitive treaty, and cannot without folly be worse; and then all the undecided points will probably be influenced by the same predominant influence which dictated the preliminaries; and it is impossible, under these circumstances, that I should approve the preliminaries as (under the existing circumstances) safe, adequate and honourable, or that it will produce such a peace, as the speeches from the throne have from the commencement of the war till this hour held out to the country.

Lord Hobart replied to the leading arguments that had been urged against the motion. With regard to Portugal, he said, the noble lord was under a mistake with respect to the possibility of the French being enabled by the treaty they had concluded with Portugal, to erect a port within 100 miles of the river Amazons, in South America, as far as depended on the river Arrouara being the limitation of the cession made to France. And as to the alarm taken by the noble marquis with respect to our being excluded from the usual exercise of our commercial intercourse with Portugal, there was undoubtedly an article in the treaty between that country and the French republic, which excluded us from all commercial intercourse with Portugal during the war; but, on the termination of the war, the exclusion was to cease and determine. As to the mutiny in our fleets having been one reason for forming the projet in 1797, in terms so favourable to the French, let it be remembered, that the mutiny was at an end before that projet was tendered to the French at Lisle, because lord Duncan's victory over the Dutch fleet took place in that year, which proved that there was no mutiny remaining; and after that, his majesty expressed his inclination, notwithstanding the success of his arms, to listen to any terms that might be safe and honourable to this country. His lordship supported lord Mulgrave's declaration, that Cochin was now of no importance to

us, while we had possession of the Mysore territory; and that noble lord might, he said, have added, that Cochin was no port, that it had a bar before it, so that none but small craft could approach it. With regard to the cape, it could only be kept at an enormous expense to this country; it had already cost us a million of money; we had, on our first taking possession of it, imported home all the corn we found there, hoping to supply this country, and the consequence had been, that we had since, even during the great scarcity, been obliged to re-export corn to the Cape, to preserve the settlement from starving. As to any necessity for ships to touch there in their passage to India, he denied it to exist. With regard to the alarm, that the peace would encourage the seditious societies, and the agents of French principles, there was no ground for it. In the first place, France herself had abandoned those pernicious doctrines that the republic at one time held, and disavowed that extraordinary declaration of their determined purpose to overthrow all the established governments of Europe; and as to any apprehensions of the Corresponding Societies, and the advantage that domestic traitors might be inclined to take of the peace, he could assure the House, that already all the societies and disaffected persons shrunk their heads with shame and despair, exasperated, that so effectual an end was put to the possibility of carrying their traitorous designs into prac tice. In the course of the debate, several noble lords had taken notice of the stadtholder, our firm ally, and had objected to the preliminaries, on the ground that no care had been taken of him by his majesty's ministers: the fact was, they were not insensible to the stadtholder's claims on this country, for their best interference in his behalf, but it was at his express desire, that no stipulation was made in his favour, in the articles on the table, because an arrangement was negociating, through the mediation of the court of Berlin, which promised a favourable issue. His lordship added a variety of other arguments and observations, in proof that the present preliminaries were the basis of a peace, as likely to be safe, honourable, and permanent, as the country, under all the circumstances could hope for.

The House divided: Contents, 94; Proxies, 20. Not-contents, 10; Proxies, 0.

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The King's Answer to the Lords' Address.] To the Address of the Lords his Majesty returned this answer:

"My lords;-I thank you for this dutiful and loyal address. The satisfaction you express at the foundation which has been laid by the preliminary articles for the final restoration of peace, is highly acceptable to me; and you may rest assured, that I shall, on my part, use my utmost endea vours, to bring this important transaction to a conclusion, in such a manner as may most effectually tend to promote and secure the public interests and the welfare of my people."

Vote of Thanks to the Navy and Army employed in the Expedition to Egypt. Nov. 12. On the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the following Resolutions were agreed to, nem. con. 1. "That the thanks of this House be given to admiral the right hon. lord Keith, knight of the most honourable order of the Bath, for the ability and perseverance with which he maintained his station on the coast of Egypt, and for the effectual assistance rendered by his exertions to the army in that country, in the several important services wherein it has been employed, which so essentially contributed to the final success of the campaign. 2. That the thanks of this House be given to rear admiral John Blankett, and to the captains and officers of the squadron employed on the coast of the Red Sea, for the zeal, activity, and perseverance, manifest ed by them in their co-operation with the army in Egypt: and that vice admiral Peter Raimier, commander in chief of the said squadron, be desired to signify the same to them. 3. That the thanks of this House be given to rear admirals sir Richard Bickerton, bart. and sir John Borlase Warren, bart., knight of the most honourable order of the Bath, and to the several captains and officers of the fleet, under the command of admiral lord Keith, for the zeal, activity, and perseverance, manifested by them in their co-operation with the army in Egypt, in the several important services on which it has been

employed; and that his lordship be de sired to signify the same to them. 4. That this House doth highly approve of, and acknowledge, the services of the seamen and marines on board the ships and vessels under the command of admiral lord Keith, and vice admiral Rainier, in the effectual assistance afforded by them to the army in Egypt, in the several important services on which it has been employed: and that the captains of the several ships do signify the same to their respective crews, and thank them for their meritorious conduct. 5. That the thanks of this House be given to lieutenant general the hot. sir John Hely Hutchinson, knight of the most honourable order of the Bath, for the ability, zeal, and perseverance, so eminently manifested by him in the command of the army serving in Egypt, by which the honour of the British nation has been so signally upheld, and additional lustre reflected on the reputation of the British arms. 6. That the thanks of this House be given to major generals Eyre Coote, John Francis Cradock, the hon. George James Ludlow, John Moore, Richard earl of Cavan, David Baird, the hon. Edward Finch, and to brigadier generals John Stewart, the hon. John Hope, John Doyle, John Blake, Hildebrand Oakes and Robert Lawson, and the several officers of the army, for their gallant, meritorious, and distinguished services, under the command of lieutenant general the honourable sir John Hely Hutchinson, knight of the most honourable order of the Bath, by which the honour of the British nation has been so signally upheld, and additional lustre reflected on the reputation of the British arms. 7. That this House doth highly approve of, and acknowledge the zeal, discipline, and intrepidity, uniformly displayed during the arduous and memorable operations of the army in Egypt, by the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers serving under the command of lieutenant general the hon. sir John Hely Hutchinson, knight of the most honourable order of the Bath; and that the same be signified by the commanders of the several corps; who are desired to thank them for their exemplary and gallant behaviour.”

Similar Resolutions were, on the same day, moved in the House of Lords by lord Hobart, supported by lord Nelson, and agreed to nem. dis.

Debate in the Lords on the Convention

with Russia.] Nov. 13. The order of the day being read for taking into consideration the Convention with Russia (see p. 18.)

to be broken in upon, in order to serve the purposes either of assisting one of the belligerent powers, at the expense of the other; or of obtaining advantages to mutual states, which they were instigated to seize upon by the intrigues of one of the courts at war, who were glad to embroil their adversaries, by driving them into a

The Earl of Darnley rose, and began with expressing the satisfaction he felt in having occasion to address the House, on grounds so different from those on which he had in the course of the last ses-new quarrel, and thus adding to their difsion found it his duty to offer his senti- ficulties and embarrassments. Thus, in ments to their lordships, and to propose the year 1780, while this country was enan inquiry into the state of public affairs, gaged in an extensive and complicated with a view to a vote of censure on the war with France, Spain, Holland, and the government of that day. He now meant United States of America, the well-known to propose a vote of approbation of the confederacy, termed the Armed Neutraconduct of his majesty's present ministers, lity, was entered into by the northern but not without previous inquiry into the powers, and if they had succeeded in cargrounds on which he hoped to have their rying into effect the principles on which lordships concurrence and support in re- that confederacy was founded, a fatal blow gard to the address, which he would offer would have been given to the commercial to their consideration. He could not but prosperity and maritime greatness of Great give his testimony in praise of the conduct Britain. Their lordships all knew how of his majesty's servants since they came the danger of 1780 was averted, but when into office, contrasted with that of their the glorious successes of this country by predecessors, whose servile imitators they sea, and the unparalleled navigation and had proved themselves not to be. The extension of commerce that we had atconvention on the table, he considered as tained during the war that had just been a striking instance of this. It was evident terminated were considered, it was not from that important document, that they to be wondered at, that a jealousy had not continued to bully and insult the of our superior prosperity should be powers of Europe; but by a judicious excited in other powers by the intrigues mixture of firmness and moderation, of one of the belligerent states, and their had induced them to relinquish their envy and interests awakened, and promptunjust pretensions, and had finally estab-ed to a wish to avail themselves of the lished, upon an equitable and permanent advantages which they hoped to be able basis, the maritime law of nations. Upon to obtain while we were, as they might an admission for the just rights of this imagine, enfeebled by the enormous excountry, founded in the pure and unalter- pense and continued exertions made able principles of the law of nations, de- during a nine year's war with one of the pended altogether the greatness and most powerful nations in Europe. His prosperity of Great Britain as a maritime lordship said, he was persuaded that our power. That code of law was not a novel resources were far from being exhausted; institution; it was as ancient as the intro- and that, had it been necessary, we were duction of navigation and commerce, and able to continue the contest, even though had been explicitly laid down by the ablest a new war had unfortunately been superministers of different countries at different added to that which was then raging. periods of time, and had been uniformly He thanked God, the firmness and energy admitted by all the states of Europe, as a of his majesty's ministers had resorted to code of law built upon a basis firm as the the best means of putting an end to their rock, because its materials were truth, farther insisting on their pretensions, and justice, and the general convenience of all had afforded them an opportunity of being nations. Notwithstanding this undeniable convinced, from the specimen given them character of the law of nations, such was by a noble lord (Nelson) whom he had the nature of mankind, and such the ope- the pleasure of seeing near him, that if ration of the political interests and preju- they persisted in their unjustifiable predices of the powers of Europe, during the tensions, this country had the spirit and existence of a long-continued war between the power to maintain its undoubted rights. any two of them, possessed of a marine Having thus traced the circumstances that that the law of nations had even in mo- had led to the engagement off Copenhagen, dern times been more than once attempted he proceeded to the consideration of the [VOL. XXXVI.] [0]

merce with his Britannic majesty." By the treaty with Denmark of 1670, as explained by a subsequent treaty concluded in 1780, and by that of 1661, concluded with Sweden, naval stores are deemed contraband of war, and are considered as such by the law of nations, in respect to all other nations who are not protected by the special conditions of a treaty. The fourth important matter to be found in the treaty, was explained in the fourth paragraph of the third article, and defined the character of a blockaded port. By the words of that paragraph, the denomination of a blockaded port is given only to a port where there is, by the disposition of the power, which attacks it with ships stationary, or sufficiently near, an evident danger of entering. The term "sufficiently near" extended beyond the as

convention which had set at rest the dif ferences that had last year arisen between the northern powers and this country, and established our maritime claims on a firm footing. Among the various parts of the treaty principally to be regarded as most worthy of their lordships notice and attention, the first and most important, was the abandonment of that false and dangerous proposition, that free ships make free goods. This proposition was effectually done away by the third article of the convention, in the different paragraphs of which there was a discrimination and definition of what were to be regarded as contraband of war, and enemy's property liable to seizure. The next point of importance was the right of search of ships under convoy; which was clearly ascertained and admitted, but with the limitation of exempting privateers from the ex-sumption of the armed neutrality, and ercise of the right in question. Many good reasons offered themselves in proof of the propriety of ministers having had the moderation to consent to this restriction, and perhaps, it might have been as well, if the right of search had never been extended to privateers; but in saying this, he begged their lordships not to understand him to have given a decided opinion upon this matter. With regard to contraband of war, the third important point to be found in the treaty, it could not have escaped their lordships, that in the third paragraph of the third article, the enumeration of what was to be considered contraband of war in future, with respect to Russia, military warlike stores alone, were to be found. He had no objection to confining that enumeration to Russia only, because naval stores were not the chief of the produce of Russia, and the imperfect state of her marine, added to the circumstance of her seas and rivers being rendered impassable, and locked from navigation during six or eight months of the year by the frost, made it a point of no great importance. Russia could injure Great Britain when at war with France in a very trifling degree only, by the few naval stores she could possibly furnish the enemy with. The matter stood on a different ground with Denmark and Sweden. By the ninth article of the convention, Denmark and Sweden were to be immediately invited by his imperial majesty, in the name of the two contracting parties, to accede to the present convention, and at the same time to renew and confirm their respective treaties of com

placed in question as to what constituted a blockaded, port, on an explicit and satisfactory ground. Having stated that these four points were the most important of all provided for in the treaty, and ascertained and established by it, and having expatiated at some length upon each, his lordship took notice of the first paragraph of the third article, viz. " that the ships of the neutral power may navigate freely to the ports, and upon the coasts of the nations at war." He said, he thought considerable stress was to be laid on the words " to the ports" as contradistinguished from the words" from port to port," which had been the language of the claim of the armed neutrality. The difference of expression in this particular appeared to his lordship, to secure an effectual prevention of the neutral from carrying the coasting trade of the belligerent powers during war, and it was manifested, he contended, by the definitions and conditions stipulated by the different articles of the treaty, that the ships of neutrals were only to be regarded as free ships when they had, bonâ fide, neither enemy's property nor contraband on board. Upon the whole he maintained that the treaty had secured every substantial advantage for which we had contended, though he admitted, that it bore evident marks of haste, and that the wording of parts of it might be liable to cavil, but before any lord proceeded to object to it, candour and impartiality required, that they should take into consi deration the very difficult circumstances under which the present ministers came into office; the situation of unprecedented

[198 danger and apprehension in which the rope, respecting this country, in the country stood when the rupture with the course of most of the wars in which we northern powers broke out; the unjustifi- had been engaged within the last century, able combination entered into against the and pointed out the particular periods at maritime power and importance of Great which they had manifested a jealousy of Britain; the perilous and expensive war our greatness as a naval power. Indeed, in which the country was engaged; the when it was considered how much our supressure of the public burthens, and periority at sea, accompanied by our exvarious other circumstances, which com- tended commercial navigation, had been bined, rendered the part which ministers evinced in several wars, but more pecuhad to act, with respect to the northern liarly so in the war that had been now confederacy, extremely arduous and deli- brought to a conclusion, it was scarcely to cate, Nor, he repeated, did he in the be wondered at, that the enmity of other least despair of our resources, or doubted maritime states should be excited, and that the power and spirit of the country to they should easily be made the agents and contest the point to the utmost with the instruments of those in hostilities against northern powers, had such an unfortunate us, who had spared neither influence nor alternative been necessary; he only made intrigue to induce them to adopt meathese observations to show the difficult sures, that, prima facie, promised advanpart that ministers had to act at the time, tages to them; and which, as they were and that their bringing their opponents to likely to distress Great Britain, must at such terms as appeared on the face of the all events prove beneficial to them. The convention, was the more worthy of the claims which the northern powers had set approbation of the House. Indeed, one up during the complicated war in which of the strongest arguments in favour of the we were engaged in 1780, was formed treaty was, that it had contributed mate- under the fostering hand of the late emrially to the peace with France, a matter press of Russia, and assumed the title of which he did not intend to consider and the armed neutrality. The principles discuss at that moment, though he gave it upon which that confederacy was estabhis decided approbation, not because he lished, were directly contrary to the though it a great and glorious, but on known law of nations, and the acknowmany accounts necessary, and the best ledged rights of Great Britain. These that under the circumstances of the case claims, which threatened the most fatal we had a right to expect. If it was not a consequences to our existence as a mariglorious peace, their lordships must ask time power, were then got rid of, and them to what and to whom the situation had, in a great measure, laid dormant of the country had been owing? To since the affair in 1780, till their recent the late administration, and to their revival: all the sanctions of public law, misconduct of the war. His lordship the treaties of different nations, the geneconcluded with moving, "That an hum-ral and acknowledged practice of Europe, ble Address be presented to his majesty, to return his majesty the thanks of this House for his gracious communication of the convention which has been lately entered into between his majesty and the emperor of Russia, to which the kings of Denmark and Sweden have declared their readiness to accede. To express our just and grateful sense of his majesty'sexertions for the maintenance and establishment of our maritime interests, whereby the essential rights for which we have contended have been secured to us, and provision made for exercising them with as little molestation as possible to the commercial concerns of the contracting parties."

the interests of various people were again discarded or despised: A new maritime code, formed upon other principles, and regulated by new theories, was to dignify this age of reason. But we had lived to see the discomfiture of all these vain and envious projects, and, through victory, to arrive at the blessings of peace. His lordship then adverted to some of the most striking parts of the treaty, and pointed their lordships' attention to the mode in which the principle, that free bottoms made free goods, was disposed of. The regulations of the present treaty he conceived to be founded in true wisdom, and to be dictated by a vigorous policy. The conduct of ministers with reLord Cathcart took a summary but spi- spect to the northern confederacy was rited view of the general disposition and such, in his opinion, as reflected the highconduct of the maritime powers of Eu-est credit, not only on themselves, but on

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