the papers, they found matter which in- | amendment had been proposed which volved the nerve and the feelings of the could produce the least diversity of sentiwhole country, which involved that palla- ment upon an occasion when unanimity dium of our liberty, the freedom of the was so desirable. Passing from this press, and which involved the considera- amendment, which he hoped would not tion of our dearest rights and constitu- be pressed, he took notice of the manner tional liberties. He trusted, that while in which a learned judge had treated the the licentiousness of the press was re- complaints of the French government, strained, this country would never sur- with respect to the publications in this render its just liberty of the press; that country, referring to its administration; that press would never be subject to a and upon this point he was ready to admit foreign imprimatur; that our constitutional the candour of the noble secretary of liberty would never be violated, nor the state as to the offensive tendency of stream of justice diverted from its course, the general tenor of those publications. at the instance of a foreign foe. When Among those, however, he did not mean they examined the paper dated the 9th of so much to dwell upon the sentiments of February, they found the views of the the English newspapers as upon those French government sufficiently developed which appeared in French newspapers in the act of a man, who, it was evident, published in London, particularly the was clothed in the garb of authority. Courier de Londres, a paper understood Was it prudent to give up Malta at that to be in a great degree under the peculiar period when they saw the spear in the patronage of his majesty's ministers. If hands of the enemy? When they saw so, the French government had just reason that an army of 25,000 men, destined to complain. It was reviled in the grossfor one purpose, was easily convertible to est terms in this publication, and why, he another? In Switzerland had there not would ask, should a paper be suffered to been, on the part of France, a direct vio- pursue that system of conduct which must lation of the treaty of Luneville? When operate to disturb the amity subsisting all the hostile acts committed by France between the two governments, more parstared them in the face, was it to be asked, ticularly when government had power, why go to war? As to the proposition under the Alien act, to send the editor out made on our part for the retention of of the country? We were not in that Malta for ten years, such an arrangement state in which we were to consider merely was sufficient evidence of our sincere de- the justice or expediency of the war, but sire of peace. In the course of that time, whether this country should continue to many circumssances might have occurred enjoy that independence which belonged to render the face of affairs upon the con- to her, or should submit to the absolute tinent wholly different. The present war dictation of a French ambassador ; but he was the result of injuries accumulated could not accede to the proposition, that upon this country by France. It might, Malta alone would have been a rational in its consequences, oppress private fami- ground for war; because, if that island lies; and therefore nothing but a deep had been completely ceded to us, it would sense of the justice of our cause would have afforded a degree of security infinitely have induced him to assent to the address. short of what we had a right to expect, Though the present was a crisis of peril, and what it became necessary for us now yet there was no cause for despondency. to seek. The objects for which we had Though we had not among us the heroes to contend were of a wider and more imof Cressy or of Agincourt, yet we had portant nature. Our jealousy and alarm living among us, the heroes of Acre, of was excited by that incorrigible spirit of the Nile, of St. Vincent, and of Camper- encroachment and ambition which the godown, who were fully equal to the task of vernment of France had manifested. Were directing the energies of the country, and not Holland, Piedmont, and Switzerland, pursuing to a successful termination the just subjects of our solicitude? The main contest in which we were engaged. He object of the war must be to restrain the trusted, that congenial spirit would pro- arrogance, to reduce the preponderance duce congenial effect, both in our naval of the French government; and until that and military service; and that all petty object be attained, the war should not be considerations would be merged in the abandoned. It was quite competent to essential interests of the British empire. Great Britain to bring this overgrown auThe Earl of Moira regretted that anthority within reasonable bounds; but it must be done by vigorous efforts, by a short and decisive war, not by petty at tempts with respect to Malta, or any comparatively inferior object, or by any colonial expeditions, calculated to cramp the energy and waste the strength of the country. was, not by appearing to feel too much afraid of it, for that might serve only to postpone the danger, and when it again approached, its advances might become irresistible, and its evils aggravated. It was in order to guard against such a war, that he had for some time back recommended a line of policy to ministers which he was convinced would have been much more effectual towards avoiding war than the course they had pursued. He condemned their system; and he had Earl Spencer said, he had no hesitation in giving it as his decided opinion, that upon the face of the whole negotiation, this country had not only a just, but an indispensable cause of war against France. He should therefore give his hearty sup-before stated distinctly the reasons of his port to the address, rather than to the amendment, which, by prolonging a temporizing system, would lead to no possible advantage, but rather exhaust the means of our security, and allow the French government time to gain new advantages. He trusted, now that war was rendered inevitable, the House and the country would be unanimous in enabling his majesty to prosecute it with energy. He trusted that our resources would be wisely and energetically administered; and this done, no doubt could remain of success. opinion. In considering the subject which his majesty's declaration involved, two questions arose; the one related to the policy of concurring with his majesty to maintain the honour of his crown and the interests of his people; the other as to the conduct of ministers since the termination of the last war. The latter point he would exclude from the question before the House, as it was meant to form the subject of consideration on a future day. In offering his majesty the solemn assurance of his support, he was not induced to do so in order to rectify the errors of the treaty of Amiens, or to sustain any deviation from it. For it was his wish that that treaty should be adhered to strictly: the public faith stood pledged for it; but it seemed impossible to con The Earl of Rosslyn, although he agreed with lord Melville, that Malta alone would be a sufficient ground of war, yet thought it evident, that the whole system of France, since the peace, and her many breaches of good faith, amount-form to that treaty. The article with reed to an abundant cause of war, on our part. He considered the menacing language, held forth by Buonaparté to lord Whitworth, as a sufficient cause of war. His whole conduct, since he signed the treaty, was an uniform system of arrogance, insult, and injury. His views against the Turkish empire, which he did not take the trouble to conceal, were contrary to the letter of the treaty of Amiens, and therefore a ground of war. He wished that this should not be considered as a war likely to be short, but as one so absolutely necessary, that our only wish should be, to carry it on with vigour and spect to Malta was evidently impracticable; but it is now stated that it would have been practicable if new circumstances had not arisen. What were they, he would ask, which did not actually exist, or were on the brink of existing, at the time when the treaty was signed? Yet he never did say that those errors would be a fair ground for war; he stronly recommended that they should be removed, not by war, but by amicable negotiation. A noble earl had said, that as Malta was so valuable, a proposition ought to be made to the French government, to give in exchange for Malta the islands of Guernsey and Jersey. This was an idea not to be Lord Grenville said, that the address endured. What! would the noble earl, was drawn up in terms with which he who professed himself an advocate for heartily concurred, because they were liberty, recommend to have so many congenial with those sentiments of na- thousand British subjects transferred to tional honour which formed the best the most degrading slavery that existed in security for the country. No man felt the world? The act was beyond the mose strongly than he did the calamities power of the House to attempt, bewhich must attend a state of war, and cause their lordships were incapable of the activity which ought of course to be injustice. Returning to the question beemployed to preserve mankind from suchfore the House, he observed that he was an evil, but the best way of warding it off happy to see such a spirit reviving in that success. & List of the Minority. Duke of Bedford Cowper Earl Thanet Albemarle Stanhope Lord King The King's Message relative to calling out the Supplementary Militia.] May 25. The Chancellor of the Exchequer brought down the following message: “GEORGE R.: His majesty thinks it proper to acquaint the House of Commons, that he has judged it necessary to adopt, without delay, all the means within his power, which may contribute to defeat the avowed designs of the enemy, and to afford the most effectual protection and security to his faithful people. "In pursuance, therefore, of the act of parliament, enabling his majesty to increase the number of his militia forces, his majesty makes this communication to the House of Commons, to the end that his majesty may cause the supplementary militia to be forthwith raised and enrolled, and thereafter to be drawn out and embodied, and marched as occasion may require. G. R." House and in the country, as would The House divided; for the Amendment, 10; Against it, 142. The original address was then agreed to. Spiritual Persons Relief Bill.] April 6. Sir W. Scott said, that ever since the establishment of religion in this country, there were existing laws which regulated the national church, and these laws enforced the clergy to give the strictest attention to the duties of the church, as well as allowing a certain provision to render her members comfortable. But these ancient laws had for centuries lain dormant. There were also several acts of a more recent date: in lord Bacon's time, laws were framed for the regulation of the clergy; the letter and spirit of them were nearly the same as those of an anterior date, but which had also lain dormant till within these five years, since which time they had been brought into use, and, he was sorry to say, to the injury of many worthy men. Among the members of the church of England, were many characters who were the highest honour to the nation; men of simple habits, amiable dispositions, and laborious life, who were liable to feel the effect of one of these old statutes, and who would rather redeem themselves with money, than suffer the exposure which an information, founded on the act of Henry 8th would enforce. Notwithstanding, it was his wish that some measure should be adopted to make the clergy attentive to Sir Francis Burdett said, that of all the the duties of the church. As the laws objectionable proceedings that ever occupistood at present, relative to the duty of ed his attention, he conceived this to be the clergymen, they doubtless contained many most unjust. It might be entitled "A bill defects, and it was high time to do what for enslaving and degrading the clergy of my lord Coke had recommended above the established church;" for, by this bill 150 years ago, that was, to revise the sta- the clergy were left at the mercy of the tutes applicable to the regulation of the bishops, and also of the minister of the church. By the advice of his friends, he day. He would rather submit to the had undertaken to give this subject seri- operation of the very worst laws that ous consideration. On a former occasion, could be framed, than to the will of any he had expressed his wish that time should individual. This bill also affected the be given to deliberate on the bill then property of those concerned in a material before the House; but every member degree; for if a parent had laid out, under must recollect what a mob of bills rushed the sanction of the old laws, a sum of mo. through the House in the last agony of ney as a provision for his son, either in that parliament; yet he did not expect point of education or, in any other way that the former bill would have been one in which the church was concerned, he of them. With respect to the present might be dismissed, by not immediately bill, it was fundamentally the same as attending to the admonition of the bishop, the former one. It contained an exemp- though it might be a point in which his tion to several persons; whether this was whole fortune was engaged. This was a right he would leave the House to decide. state of degradation to which the members He had not made any provision for the of the established church should not be parochial clergy; that he thought ought reduced. This House had already to come from another quarter. It was his adopted the principle, that when a man wish that the parsonage houses should be was once a clergyman, he should always put in proper repair for the reception of remain so; so that if a clergyman were their proper inhabitants; from the decay inclined, in consequence of the operation these dwellings had been suffered to go of this bill, to change his profession, he into, many clergymen were under the ne- had no power of doing so. He objected cessity of residing at a great distance from to the bill, on the grounds of the discretheir duty. As to those benefices to tionary power which it lodged in the which there was no house attached, some bishops. If one bishop gave a clergyman provision ought to be made to render the a licence to go abroad for two or three clergy more comfortable. With respect years as tutor to a nobleman or gentleto the small benefices, something had been man's son, that bishop might in the mean done by Mr. Gilbert's act, but it had not time be translated, and his successor be gone far enough to be of real service to actuated by different sentiments: so that this order of the clergy. The method he when this clergyman came home, he should propose would be, that govern- would probably find another person in ment should advance a sum of money, as possession of his benefice, which in some a fund, to mend the stipends of curates; degree might be considered as his freethis he thought necessary for the better hold estate. He also objected to this dissupport of those numerous, worthy, labori-pensing power of the bishops on other ous men, on whom the religion and morality of the country so much depended. He hoped the measure would be found calculated to answer every purpose for which it was designed; and moved for leave to bring in a bill," to amend and render more effectual the laws relating to spiritual persons holding of farms, and for enforcing the residence of spiritual persons on their benefices."-Leave was given, and the bill was afterwards brought in, and repeatedly committed. May 26. On the order of the day for the third reading, grounds. The clergy in general possessed a right of voting for members of parliament; now this bill left so many voters at the mercy of ministers, through the medium of the bishops, that he considered it extremely dangerous in that point of view. It was a violation of every principle of justice, to place men, by an ex post facto law in such a situation. It was well known, that the bishop of St. David's previous to an election, had sent a circular letter to the clergymen of his diocese, to influence them on that occasion; but even that step would not be necessary in future; for this bill gave the bishops such an absolute control over the clergy, that no one would dare to vote in opposition to them. He thought, for his part, that, instead of giving such control, there should be an injunction on the bishops to set the example in point of discharge of duty. The bishop of Landaff held the situation of regius professsor at Cambridge; he also held a living in Huntingdonshire, and an archdeaconry in another place; and yet he lived in Cumberland. He objected to the committing of persons to the discretion of men, not to be trusted any more than themselves. It was doing away all ideas of liberty and independence; and upon grounds of constitutional jealousy, he felt himself called upon to oppose the bill. The bill was read a third time. On the motion, that it do pass, the House divided: good offices, for the settlement of the differences between Great Britain and France. He wished to induce the House of Commons to advise his majesty immediately to avail himself of those friendly dispositions. On the advantages of mediation in general, it was not necessary for him to descant; still less on the advantages which must result from the mediation of that powerful, respected, and universally esteemed sovereign, the emperor of Russia. It was Mr. Fox's opinion, that even where mediation was wholly inactive, where the mediating powers lent only their names to a negotiation, the offer of it ought, under almost any circumstances, to be accepted. Even this, which was the lowest species of mediation, was useful for the sake of public opinion. What was now proposed, however, he understood to be of the higher species, and to amount to an offer, by the emperor of Russia, of an effectual interposition of his good offices; which, among other advantages, included this,-that if it should fail, through our enemy's advancing unjust claims and pretensions, and if we should be compelled by such failure to prosecute the war for objects which, in that case, must be approved by the mediating sovereign, we should secure his support, and the sanction of his great and powerful name. And what was equally material, we should have in our favour the public opinion of Europe and the world. This, let gentlemen be assured, was no trifling matter; it was a consideration of sufficient importance by itself, even if there existed no other motive, to determine in favour of the propriety of the step he was about to recommend. Debate on Mr. Fox's Motion respecting the Mediation of Russia.] May 27. Mr. Fox rose, for the purpose of making his promised motion respecting the mediation of the emperor of Russia to adjust the existing differences between this country and France. He observed, that although, from the time and circumstances under which he brought it forward, it might be considered as one of the most important ever submitted to parliament, it was one which led to no great length of discussion, nor would require him to take any very comprehensive view of the topics naturally connected with it. Into the general question of the propriety of the war, he was not disposed to enter. He had stated his opinions very fully on a former day: a great majority had differed from him; and to the judgment of that majority it was his duty to bow. The country was then actually at war, and being so, he should give the war the best support in his power. But although we were at war, and although many differences prevailed as to the grounds of it, no one would deny the propriety of bringing it as soon as possible to an honourable termination. The pro-jured ministers, as they valued the inteposition which it was his intention to submit to the House had this object in view. It was understood, that an offer had recently been made by the emperor of Russia to interpose his mediation, or It was not, however, merely for the sake of adjusting present differences that he thought the acceptance of this mediation so desirable. To that power to which ministers looked as the principal and only fit guarantee for Malta, they might naturally look for mediation on other matters; they might look for an extension of his guarantee to all the points now at issue between the governments of Great Britain and France. Thoroughly impressed with the feasibility of this plan, Mr. Fox most anxiously con rests of their country and the permanent peace of Europe, not to suffer the present opportunity to escape them; not to overlook means so obvious and so practicable for the accomplishment of all |