12, and appropriating the necessary revenue, objects of the greatest interest will occupy the attention of the legislative body. It is necessary to introduce a change into our system of coinage. The custom-house duties must be re-organized, so as more effectually to check the progress of contraband trade. It is at length essential to give to France that civil code so long promised and so long expected. Above all, projects of laws have been formed under the observation of government, and matured in conferences where commissions from the council of state and the tribunate were animated only by the love of truth and regard for the public interest. The same sentiments, the same principles will guide the deliberation of the legislators, and secure to the republic the wisdom and the impartiality of the laws which are adopted. On the continent, every thing offers us pledges of repose and tranquillity. The Italian republic, since the proceedings at Lyons, has been daily strengthening itself by the more intimate union of the people of whom it is composed. The happy harmony among the authorities by which it is governed, its internal administration, its military force, already give it the character and the attitude of a state long established; and if wisdom preserve them, they guarantee to it a destiny of uninterrupted prosperity. Liguira, placed under a mixed constitution, sees at its head, and in the bosom of its authorities, all those of its citizens, the most estimable for their virtues, by their illumination and their fortune. New shocks have convulsed the Helvetic republic. The government owed its support to neighbours, whose repose was essential to the repose of France, and it will use every exertion to ensure the success of its mediation, and with it the happiness of a people whose position, whose habits, and whose interests, make it the necessary ally of France. Batavia successively takes possession of the colonies which the peace restored to her. She will ever remember that France must ever be her most useful friend or her most destructive foe. In Germany the last stipulations of the treaty of Luneville are carrying into effect. Prussia, Bavaria, all the secular princes who had possessions on the left bank of the Rhine, will obtain on the right bank suitable indemnities. The house of Austria finds in the bishopricks of Salzburgh, Aischtett, Trent, and Brixen, and the greatest part of Pau, more than it had lost in Tuscany. Thus, by the happy co-operation of France and Russia, all permanent interests are conciliated, and from the bosom of that tempest which seemed ready to overwhelm it, the Germanic empire, that empire so necessary to the equilibrium and the repose of Europe, rises more powerful, composed of elements more homogeneous, better combined and more adapted to the circumstances and opinions of the pre sent age. A French ambassador is at Constantinople, charged with renewing and fortifying the ties which attach us to a power which seems to be threatened with destruction, but which it is our interest to sustain, and to support the foundations by which it is upheld. The British forces are still in Alexandria and Malta. The government had a fair right of complaint, but it has received intelligence that the vessels which are to convey them to Europe are already in the Mediterranean. The government guarantees to the nation the peace of the continent, and it is permitted to entertain a hope of the continuance of maritime peace. This peace is the want, as well as the desire of all nations. For its preservation, the government will do every thing compatible with national honour, essentially connected with the strict execution of the treaties. But in England, two parties maintain a contest for power. One of those parties has concluded peace, and appears desirous of maintaining it. The other has taken an oath of eternal hatred to France. Hence that fluctuation of opinion and of counsels which prevail. Hence that attitude, at the same time pacific and menacing. While this contest of parties continue, measures of precaution are what the govern ment is called upon to adopt. Five hundred thousand men ought to be, and shall be ready to undertake its defence, and avenge its injuries. Strange necessity which miserable passions impose on two nations, whom interest and inclination mutually prompt to the cultivation of peace. Whatever success intrigues may experience in London, no other people will be involved in new combinationthe government says, with conscious pride, that England alone cannot maintain a struggle against France. But we have better hopes, and we believe that in the British cabinet nothing will be listened to but the counsels of wisdom and the voice of humanity. Yes, doubtless, the peace will daily be more consolidated. The relation of the two governments will assume that character of good-will which is suitable to their mutual interests. A happy repose will bury the recollection of the long calamities of a disastrous war, and France and England, rendering their happiness reciprocal, will deserve the gratitude of the whole world. By No. The First Consul (signed) BUONaparte. order of the First Consul, The Secretary of State, H. B. MARET. 3.-Letter from Citizen Talleyrand to Citizen Fauvelet at Dublin, dated Paris, 26 Brumaire, 10th year, (17th November 1802.) I forward to you, citizen, a series of questions, concerning which I am desirous of having your answers. You will have the goodness to place them opposite the questions on the same sheet of paper, doubled in two, similar to the one which I have the honour to send to you. I shall be obliged to you to send me this paper as soon as possible, without, however, suffering your too great haste to be prejudicial to your accuracy. If you are doubtful upon any point, you will have the goodness to mention it. You will probably find no difficulty in consulting with some well informed merchants, or clerks in the Custom house, who you think may have it in their power to give you some positive information, and you will declare the sources from whence you have drawn that information. You will not consider this business as forming a part of your official correspondence. You must not number it, but you must content yourself with putting at the top of it, as in the projet which I enclose to you, Private Correspondence. CH. MAU. TALLEYRAND. No. 4.-Private Correspondence. Questions. 1. What number of vessels have entered and cleared out of the ports within your district within each year from 1792 to 1801 inclusive ?-2. What is their tonnage or their admeasurement in sea tons of 2,000 4 P. S. ?— | 3. Under what flag do they navigate ?-4. From whence they come ?-5. Whither bound ?-6. With what merchandize freighted?-7. What was the price of freight to the principal ports of Europe, each sea ton of 2,000 4 P. S. ?-8. What French productions are most in request in the market of the town where you reside, as well as of the other considerable towns in your district ?—9. What is the merchandize which can be exported to France with greater advantage from the said markets than from any other?-10. What are the course of exchange, and the current prices of merchandize from three months to three months from the year 1792 to 1801?-11.You are required to furnish a plan of the ports of your district, with a specification of the soundings for mooring vessels-12. If no plan of the ports can be procured, you are to point out with what wind vessels can come in and go out, and what is the greatest draught of water with which vessels can enter therein deeply laden?-13. What are the principal commercial houses?-If the heads of these house are foreigners, you are to point out of what country they are; and in all cases you are to state with what countries they are principally connected, and what is their chief line of commerce.-14. What is the usual course of exchange?-15. Whether there is a public bank, and what is its organization ?-16. Whether there are any insurance companies, public or private, and what are their customs and rules, and the prices of insurance, for European and long voyages ?-17. In case there exists any other public establishment which relates to commerce, you are to give every possible detail concerning it, especially in whatever regards manufactures and fisheries.-18. You are to point out the relative conformity of weights and measures with those of France, ancient and modern, as soon as you shall have obtained practical and exact information on those points.-19. You are to add to all this the most extensive information, as well general as particular, which you may be able to obtain from authority, especially with regard to commerce, and particularly respecting false accounts of purchases and sales of different merchandizes, in order to ascertain the expenses, rights, and local customs, in cases of purchases and sales.-20. Whether there are any fairs in your district; what species of traffic is carried on there, and to what amount? No. 5.-Translation, from the Hamburgh Correspondenten of March 30th, 1808. The following article is inserted by desire. Paris, March 15. For some months a war of newspapers and of the press has been kept up between France and England. This seemed merely the dying embers of an extinguished conflagration; the last consolation of a desperate party; the food of some low passions and a few hungry scribblers. The French government was far from attaching importance to such matters. Notwithstanding some difficulties in the complete execution of the treaty of Amiens, they still believed they might rely on the good faith of the British government, and directed their attention solely to the re-establishment of the colonies. Relying upon the sacredness of treaties, they securely dispersed the remains of the French naval force, which had been given a prey to the English fleet. In this situation, suddenly appeared a solemn message from the cabinet at St. James's, and informed all Europe that France was making considerable preparations in the ports of Holand and France; an address was voted by parliament, promising to the king of England such extraordinary means of defence as the security of the British empire and the honour of the three crowns might require.-From the sudden appearance of this message, people doubted whether it was the effect of treachery, of lunacy, or of weakness. Let any one cast his eye over the ports of France and Holland, where he will find only detached naval preparations destined for the colonies, and consisting only of one or two line-of battle ships, and a few frigates. On the other hand, let him look at the ports of England, filled with a formidable naval force; on such a review one could be tempted to believe that the message of the king of England was mere irony, if such a farce were not unworthy the majesty of a government. If one considers the influence of factions in so free a country, one might suppose that the king of England had only had the weakness to yield, if weakness were compatible with the first quality of a king. In short, no rational appearance and said, on his entrance, to the English ambassador, who was standing beside M. Markoff, "We have been at war for twelve years. The king of England says that France is making immense naval prepa rations. He has been led into an error. In the French ports there are no preparations of any magnitude. The whole fleet is gone to St. Domingo and the colonies. With regard to the ports of Holland, to which the message likewise alludes, there are only the preparations for the expedition under general Victor, and all Europe knows its destination is for Louisiana. The king says farther, that between the cabinets of Paris and London differences continue. I know of none. It is true that England ought to have evacuated Malta, and Maita is not evacuated and as his Britannic Majesty has bound himself by the most solemn treaty ever entered into, it is impossible to doubt of the speedy evacuation of that island and," added the first consul," those who would attempt to frighten the French people should know, that it is possible to kill, but not to intimidate them." : motives remain to which it can be ascribed, | except bad faith-except a sworn enmity to the French nation-except perfidy, and the desire of openly breaking a solemn treaty, for the sake of advantages which will be maintained, and the sacrifice of which the honour of France and the faith of treaties forbid. When a man reads this message he thinks himself transported to the times of those treaties which the Vandals made with the degenerate Romans, when force usurped the place of right, and when, with a hasty appeal to arms, they insulted the antagonist they meant to attack. In the present state of civilization, there is a respect which a great monarch, which a polished people owe to themselves, were that respect no more than to seek a plausible pretext for an unjust war. But in this instance every thing is precipitate, and repugnant to decency and to justice. An eternal war would succeed a dreadful contest, and the more unjust the attack, the more irreconcileable would be its animosity.-Such a novelty would doubtless excite the disapprobation of Europe. While even the English, whose national pride had not entirely blinded-During the course of the evening, when them, sighed at this prospect, did the Times call the peace of Amiens an armistice, and in doing so, passed the severest satire on the government it defended; and the rapid fall of the national funds is the first prelude to the misfortunes which may follow as the revenge due for the wound given to all social rights. The French are less intimidated than irritated by the threats of England. They have neither been dispirited by their reverses, nor elated by their victories; in a war to which there appeared no termination, they saw all Europe confederated against them. Their constancy, their courage, and the prompt activity of their government, brought it to a conclusion. This war would have a different object; France would contend for the liberty of the states of Europe, and the sacredness of their treaties and if the English government, be determined to make it a national war, perhaps her boasted formidable naval strength would not be sufficient to decide the result, and to secure the victory.-The French, strong in the justice of their cause, and the confidence they repose in their government do not dread the new expenses and new sacrifices which such a war might render necessary. Their system of finance is more simple and less artificial than that of London, and so much the more solid. It all lies in their soil and in their courage. On the first news of the English Message, all eyes were turned to the cabinet of the Thuilleries. As most trifling motions received a character of importance, its most unpremeditated words were eagerly caught up. Every one impatiently expected the assembly for the presentation of foreigners, which Madame Buonaparté holds once a month. Every one was prepared to draw some inference from it. It was as splendid as usual. The first consul made his the first consul happened to be near M. Mark- No. 6.-Letter from Spiridion Foresti to Lord 1802. My Lord; The last letters from my agent at Zante furnish me with the information that the Cornelia French frigate, having on board Horatio Sebastiani, chief of brigade, and charged with a public mission on the part of the first consul of the French republic, came to anchor there on the 3rd instant. The envoy finding that a vessel coming from Alexandria was subject to a long quarantine, and could not be permitted to communicate freely with the shore, applied to the delegate of that island for permission to land, which being granted him, he was conducted to the dele- to make known to your administrators and gate's apartment. He then requested that a fellow citizens how much the first consul meeting of the three orders might be called, wishes to see a stop put to those intestine diwhich was also complied with, and twelve per- visions which afflict these islands. Your posons, four of each order, met in the delegate's litical independency has been guaranteed by house. The envoy Sebastiani then harangued France, Russia, and the Sublime Porte. them nearly in the terms of the address, These powerful nations, united together by the which I have herewith the honour of inclosing bonds of the truest friendship, are occupied in to your lordship. His speech, however con- concert with your most enlightened and most tained some additional observations, import- virtuous fellow citizens, to give you a form of ing, that Buonaparté had been the first to government suitable to your situation and the break the chains of the islanders. When he genius of your inhabitants. Wait with confihad done speaking, a tumultuous cry was ut-dence and moderation the result of these imtered, of "Viva la Liberta! Viva l'Uguaglianza." Before his departure, however, he caused to be forwarded to the delegate of Cephalonia, and to the senate of Corfu, copies of the enclosed address, expressing a wish that it might be generally circulated among the people of each island. I have, &c. (Signed) SPIRIDION FORESTI. No. 7.- Letter from Spiridion Foresti to lord Hawkesbury, dated Corfu, Jan. 2th, 1803, My Lord;-In my letter of the 10th ultimo, your lordship will perceive that I inserted the arrival of the Cornelia French frigate at Zante, and that Horatio Sebastiani harangued the people of that island. At that time I was not in possession of his exact oration, but since then the delegate of Zante transmitted the speech to the senate of Corfu; a copy of which I beg leave to submit to your lordship's attention. M. Romieu, the French minister here, communicated to the prince of the senate, that the first consul of the French republic had taken under his protection the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman churches of this republic; and on the 19th December wrote to the vicar general of Corfu to inform him of the same; a copy of which permit me to inclose for your perusal. From the proceedings of the French commissary here, and those of the other islands, together with the disposition of the natives, I am afraid that this republic will be a constant theatre of French intrigue. The aforesaid commissaries occasion count Mocenigo and this government an infinite deal of trouble. I have, &c. (Signed) SPIRIDION FORESTI [First inclosure referred to in No. 7.] Horace Sebastiani, Chief of Brigade of a regiment of Dragoons, and Envoy of the First Consul in the Levant. To his Excellency the Delegate of Zante. Sir; The first consul Buonaparté has charged me to visit these islands which compose your republic, and to assure the inhabitants that he takes a lively interest in their prosperity. I know that the difference of political opinions divides this rising republic into various parties, and that without the wise, measures taken by your government, its tranquillity will be destroyed. I could wish you portant operations, and be assured that you will see the end of your ills and the beginning of your prosperity. All exaggerations of political opinions are inimical to the general prosperity. Absolute democracy, always tempestuous, sacrifices to vain chimeras the security, the property, civil liberty, and in short all that constitutes the happiness of a state: aristocracy which is not moderated is always ber of families is preferred to talents and to tyrannical, and the elevation of a small numvirtue. In order that a government may be prosperous, it is necessary that it should have in its formation a happy combination of the advantages of different forms of government; the power and promptitude of monarchy, the vigilance and intelligence of aristocracy, and the vigour and elevation of democracy; that the citizen may find the security enjoyed under the first, the tranquillity of the second, and the equality of rights fixed by the laws which are found in the third. Recollect that the man who forms a part of society only preserves the liberty of doing that which is not prejudicial to the rights of others; and that equality only consists in the exact execution of the laws, and in the protection which they afford to every member of the political body. As the quarantine prevents communication, I beg you will communicate this my letter to all the authorities, and also to the principal inhabitants. I avail myself, &c. [Second inclosure referred to in No. 7.] Translation. Liberty. Equality. Corfu, 29th Frimaire, 11th year of the French Republic. The Adjutant Commandant Romieu, Mr. Vicar General;-I hasten to inform you, with the greatest joy, that I have just received the express orders of my government to place the church of the Roman religion in the republic of the Seven Islands under its special protection. I make this communication to the prince of the senate. This proof of the good will of the French towards this church, will be a powerful motive, Mr. Vicar His Majesty's earnest endeavours for the preservation of peace having failed of success, he entertains the fullest confidence that he shall receive the same support from his pardiament, and that the same zeal and spirit will be manifested by his people, which he has experienced on every occasion when the honour of his crown has been attacked, or the essential interests of his dominions have been endangered. During the whole course of the negotiations which led to the preliminary and definitive treaties of peace between his majesty and the French republic, it was his majesty's sincere desire, not only to put an end to the hostilities which subsisted between the two countries, but to adopt such measures, and to concur in such propositions, as might most effectually contribute to consolidate the general tranquil. lity of Europe. The same motives by which his majesty was actuated during the negotiations for peace, have since invariably governed his conduct. As soon as the treaty of Amiens was concluded, his majesty's courts were open to the people of France for every purpose of Jegal redress; all sequestrations were taken off their property; all prohibitions on their trade which had been imposed during the war were removed, and they were placed, in every respect, on the same footing with regard to commerce and intercourse, as the inhabitants of any other state in amity with his majesty, with which there existed no treaty of com merce. To a system of conduct thus open, liberal, and friendly, the proceedings of the French government afford the most striking contrast. The prohibitions which had been placed on the commerce of his majesty's subjects during the war have been enforced with increased strictness and severity; violence has been offered in several instances to their vessels and their property; and, in no case, has justice been afforded to those who may have been aggrieved in consequence of such acts, nor has any satisfactory answer been given to the repeated representations made by his majesty's ministers or ambassador at Paris. Under such circumstances, when his majesty's subjects were not suffered to enjoy the common advantages of peace within the territories of the French republic, and the countries dependent upon it, the French government had recourse to the extraordinary measure of sending over to this country a number of persons for the professed purpose of residing in the most considerable [VOL. XXXVI.] sea-port towns of Great Britain and Ireland, in the character of commercial agents or consuls. These persons could have no pretensions to be acknowledged in that character, as the right of being so acknowledged, as well as all the privileges attached to such a situation, could only be derived from a commercial treaty; and as no treaty of that description was in existence between his majesty and the French republic. There was consequently too much reason to suppose, that the real object of their mission was by no means of a commercial nature, and this suspicion was confirmed, not only by the circumstance that some of them were military men, but by the actual discovery that several of them were furnished with instructions to obtain the soundings of the harbours, and to procure military surveys of the places where it was intended they should reside. His majesty felt it to be his duty to prevent their departure to their respective places of destination, and represented to the French government the necessity of withdrawing them; and it cannot be denied that the circumstances under which they were sent, and the instructions which were given to them, ought to be considered as decisive indications of the dispositions and intentions of the government by whom they were employed. The conduct of the French government, with respect to the commercial intercourse between the two countries, must therefore be considered as ill suited to a state of peace, and their proceedings in their more general political relations, as well as in those which immediately concern. his majesty's dominions, appear to have been altogether inconsistent with every principle of good-faith, moderation, and justice. His majesty had entertained hopes, in consequence of the repeated assurances and professions of the French government, that they might have been induced to adopt a system of policy which, if it had not inspired other powers with confidence, might at least have allayed their jealousies. If the French government had really appeared to be actuated by a due attention to such a system; if their dispositions had proved to be essentially pacific, allowances would have been made for the situation in which a new government must be placed after so dreadful and extensive a convulsion as that which has been produced by the French revolution. But his majesty has unfortunately had too much reason to observe and to lament that the system of violence, aggression, and aggrandizement, which characterized the proceedings of the different governments of France during the war, has been continued with as little disguise since its termination They have continued to keep a French army in Holland against the will, and in defiance of the remonstrances of the Batavian government, and in repugnance to the letter of three solemu treaties. They have in a pe [4 T] |