Had punishment followed "close upon the commission of crime" in the cases of the outrages at Nottingham, &c. there might have been no riots at Bristol.

On the 2d Nov. the Government issue a Proclamation in the King's name, in which there is a cautious abstinence of any severity, nor is the outrageous insult and attack on the King's Judge, or his name, so much as mentioned. A Proclamation of this character does not reach the dignity of a brutum fulmen,--it is too much in the whining tone of entreaty to be respected, and tends to the encouragement of the seditious, by its weakness and timidity:

"Whereas in divers parts of Great Britain, and more particularly in the towns of Derby and Nottingham, and in the city of Bristol, tumultuous assemblages of people have taken place, and outrages of the most violent description have been committed both upon the persons and property of divers of our subjects; and whereas all the restraints of law and order have been overborne and trodden under foot by such lawless multitudes, the mansions of individuals violently entered, pillaged, and set on fire, the ordinary course of justice forcibly interrupted, the gaols for the confinement of criminals broken into and destroyed, and malefactors and persons charged with offences let loose upon the public, to the great disturbance and danger of the common weal, and the subversion of established government: And whereas the welfare and happiness of all nations do, under Divine Providence, chiefly depend upon the observance and enforcement of the law: And whereas it is our firm determination faithfully to discharge the duty imposed on us, to preserve the public peace, and vigorously to exert the

powers which we possess for the protection of all our subjects, in the entire enjoyment of their rights and liberties : We, therefore, being resolved to suppress the wicked and flagitious practices aforesaid, have thought fit, by and with the advice of our Privy Council, to issue this our Royal Proclamation, solemnly warning all our liege subjects to guard against every attempt to violate the law, and to abstain from every act inconsistent with the peace and good order of society; and we do hereby charge and command all Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, Chief Magistrates of Cities, Boroughs, and Corporations, and all the Magistrates throughout Great Britain, that they do effectually repress all tumults, riots, outrages, and breaches of the peace, within their respective jurisdictions, and that they do make diligent enquiry in order to discover and bring to justice the movers and perpetrators of all such seditious and wicked acts as aforesaid and we do earnestly and solemnly exhort, enjoin, call upon, and command all our liege subjects, of all ranks and conditions, that they do come forward upon the first appearance or apprehension of any such disturbances as aforesaid, as they are bound by their duty to us, by their regard for the general interest, and by the obligation of the law, and that they be actively aiding and assisting to all Sheriffs, Justices of the Peace, and other Magistrates, in enforcing the law against evil doers, and in protecting their fellow subjects in the enjoyment of their property and the exercise of their rights, against all forcible, illegal, and unconstitutional interference, controul, or aggression. Given at our Court of St. James's, this 2d day of Nov. 1831, and in the second year of our reign.

God save the King."

N 2

In contemplating the fate of the wretched victims, whom the law has demanded, who is there that does not deplore the guilty excitement by which they were goaded into crime? But if the more guilty may have escaped, we must not therefore affect a sickly sentiment, and pule and whine away the safety of our lives, property, and Constitution, in our maudlin commiseration of those who have suffered. Let the wretches who would burn us in our beds suffer the penalties of the law, and let us reserve our best sympathies for the good and the guiltless. The affected voice of pity is too often of the hypocrite and scoundrel,-it is the false whine of the crocodile, that crawls out of his mud and his slime to imitate the bewailing tones, and shed the tears of sympathy, that he may more surely glut his ravenous appetite for blood and mischief. From what justifiable feeling could the petitions to spare the condemned ruffians have arisen? Were they parties to them, who looked on unmoved, when the life of a Judge of the land was attempted, and the miserable citizens might have been burnt in their beds? And who then complimented the ruffians with the designation of a "good-natured mob?”

*The Manchester Political Union, at a meeting held on Sunday, so worded their address, that ferocity, not pity, would appear to have been the motive, and blood the object. They thus state the conclusion of their Council:

:

"That there has been blood enough spilt in consequence of Sir Charles Wetherell's cruel and unprincipled conduct. We dare not trust our feelings to enter into detail; our determination is taken. If one of these men suffer death, unless Sir Charles Wetherell suffer with them, we shall have lost all confidence in the present Ministry; and there will be something more added to a long catalogue of crimes already recorded against the present, as well as former Governments of this country. Add but this and the catalogue is full. Then the work of justice must begin. The same feeling actuates us relative to the Special Commission now sitting at Nottingham."

Rather let punishment for such crimes be sure;-that the blessings we have enjoyed, under our old Constitution, may not be put to the hazard of every brutal attempt to be set on foot by the agitator and demagogue.

The trials of Col. Brereton and Capt. Warrington are at full in the Appendix. The inexplicable conduct of the former must always be a subject of conjecture. The termination of his trial by his unfortunate suicide, as well for other reasons, is likewise to be lamented, as it deprived the public of much information that might have been elicited from his defence. Without an intimate acquaintance with the character of his mind, it would be perhaps criminal to ascribe motives. It would certainly appear, that he thought the forces, the Ministry allowed him, insufficient in numbers, and that he greatly overrated the power of the mob. It may have been, that he really thought the Bristol riots the commencement of a successful Revolution, to which real resistance would cause a useless effusion of blood; and he did not, evidently, view with very great abhorrence the atrocities the "people" were committing.

Had the Court Martial proceeded, it would have been proved, that on the Sunday afternoon, when twelve or thirteen constables were within the Mansion-house, and four soldiers without, and it was represented to Col. Brereton that unless a reinforcement of constables were sent for, or a detachment of military, it was impossible to keep possession against the increasing mobthat then Col. Brereton replied, "I'll go and quiet the rascals," and that he addressed them thus :-" My good fellows, you've released your prisoners,—you've got them back,-I have sent away the 14th who rendered

themselves obnoxious to you by their conduct,—a strict enquiry shall be made into that conduct, and I promise you that the enquiry shall be strict;-what do you want more?—Now go quietly to your homes, first giving three cheers for your King." Upon this he waved his cap, leading the cheer.

These trials prove a strange misconception on the part of the military in cases of riot. After the able exposition of the law upon the subject, this cannot well occur again. The proceedings of the Courts-Martial will be read with great interest; they are remarkable for a display of eloquence and ability rarely to be met with, more particularly in the concluding speeches of Major-General Sir Charles Dalbiac, the Prosecutor.

It was the intention of the Narrator of the Bristol Riots, in conclusion, to have detailed at required length the Consequences. This part of the work, however, has been deferred until by the violence consummated against the Constitution, they have become of little importance beyond the city wherein this first atrocious Reformers' Tragedy has been perpetrated. He has now the shorter work to perform, and yet it is grievous. The Revolutionary events that have crowded into action, since the above Narrative was drawn up, will make much, both of the language and proceedings, appear weak and insignificant. The movement has been indeed forwarded, and of this we are most convinced by looking back.

The boasted loyalty has fallen before it; and