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The result, he added, had fallen out "against all men's expectations"; and Bradford in his turn wrote that "God had prevented him," meaning by "him" Sir Christopher Gardiner.

At this point Gardiner finally disappears from sight. In the letter to the younger Winthrop, just quoted, Howes had expressed a confident hope that they would be able "to pendere Gardiner ere long"; but as nothing further is heard on that point it may fairly be inferred that this hope was not realized. Like so many others, he owes his mention in history to the fact that he came out to America in those very early days when every individual counted; and the moment he returned to Europe he was merged again in the larger volume of human life. All trace of him is lost. That he was still in London in 1634 may be inferred from the fact that Morton then wrote his "New English Canaan," the manuscript of which was seen by Sir Christopher, who liked it so much that he composed for it some more verses - this time of a prefatory character-"in laudem autoris." When, a few years later, the "New Canaan" was printed at Amsterdam, these verses, in company with all the rest of the copy, suffered unmerciful treatment at the hands of the Dutch compositors of Jacob Frederick Stam, the printer. Repunctuated and emended, it would seem to read as follows:

"This work a matchless mirror is, that shows

The humors of the Separatist, and those

So truly personated by thy pen.

I was amaz'd to see 't; herein all men

May plainly see, as in an interlude,

Each actor figure: and the scene well view'd
In comic, tragic, and in pastoral strife,
For tyth of mint and cummin, shows their life
Nothing but opposition 'gainst the right
Of sacred Majesty: men full of spite,
Goodness abusing, turning virtue out
Of doors to whipping, stocking, and full bent
To plotting mischief 'gainst the innocent,
Burning their houses, as if ordained by fate,
In spite of law, to be made ruinate.

This task is well performed, and patience be

Thy present comfort, and thy constancy

Thine honor; and this glass, where it shall come,
Shall sing thy praises to the day of doom."

These verses show that Gardiner when he wrote them was acting in close sympathy with Morton and Gorges, and they

*Bradford, p. 295.

were then preparing their second and more carefully devised assault on the Massachusetts charter. Into the details of this assault it is not necessary to enter here; they have been recounted elsewhere, and they fill a prominent page in the early annals of New England. There can be little doubt that in February, 1634, Gardiner, again in company with Morton and Ratcliff, appeared before the Lords of the Privy Council, and repeated the story of his wrongs. Archbishop Laud now sat at the head of the Council table, and it is unnecessary to say that he lent a ready ear to all complaints against Puritans. It was certainly so on this occasion, upon which, if we can believe Thomas Morton, who alone has given us any account of what took place, he soundly rated Cradock and Humfrey, who again appeared for the Company. Indeed, when Cradock told him that the charter had gone to America, the Archbishop did not hesitate to call the former Governor of the Company "an imposterous knave," and to sharply bid him to send for it back at once. As for Ratcliff, he did not now lack sympathizers, to all appearances not less able than they were eager to do him justice. On the spot he was "comforted with the cropping of Mr. Winthrop's ears." Morton, however, in his rambling account nowhere mentions Gardiner's name, and it cannot be positively asserted that he took any part in the proceedings. He may have died in the interval between the time when he wrote the verses in praise of the author of the "New Canaan," and the time of the hearing before the Council; or he may again have wandered away to Jerusalem, or to Rome. At any rate, it is not certain that he was present in the Council-chamber on Feb. 28, 1634, and no further record of him has yet come to light. He simply fades from view.

It only remains to say a word of the subsequent fate of the companion of his earlier sojourn in Massachusetts, Mrs. Thomas Purchase. This much consideration is certainly due her, for perhaps no other female in American annals has appeared under so many names and in so many books. Roslin, Jasper, and Magdalen Groves; the nameless "young woman of quality from the North of England"; Lady Geraldine, Sister Clementina, and the "little lady with golden hair," — figuring before posterity under all these aliases, plain Mary Grove, from Boirdly, in Salopshire, England, † has certainly enjoyed a queer posthumous fate. Returning, however, to her life

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in the flesh, it would seem for nothing certainly is known of her that, having safely outlived the dangerous period of youthful life, she settled down to the somewhat hard-faring every-day existence common to all those who at that early time were fated to subdue the rugged coast of Maine. Thomas Purchase, her husband, is described by Savage as "an adventurer of good discretion and perseverance." Some three or four localities in the town of Brunswick contend for the honor of having been the place of his abode; but, wherever he lived, he was all his life engaged in the fur trade and the salmon fishery. Josselyn also, in his "Two Voyages," makes mention of him as having undergone a somewhat remarkable course of medical treatment, inasmuch as he "cured himself of the sciatica with Bears-grease, keeping some of it continually in his groin."* He was twice married, his second wife surviving him, though he is said to have arrived at the age of one hundred and one years. His first wife, Mary, is recorded as having died in Boston on the 7th of January, 1656; and it is not definitely known that by this marriage there were any children.† Indeed, I find but one further mention of her name; and that,‡ curiously enough, in connection, though in no way to her own discredit, with a wretched case of maternal infanticide. This was in 1647, and she was then apparently living at Brunswick.

It is fair to presume that the Mary Purchase who died in Boston in 1656 was identical with the Mary Grove who had been married there to Thomas Purchase twenty-five years before. It is also to be hoped that her husband never had occasion to repent his choice. He certainly entered into the married state with his eyes open; but beggars proverbially cannot be choosers, and the exceeding straits to which the earliest settlers of Maine were put in their search for wives has already been perhaps more than sufficiently indicated. But there were scandalous stories afloat about the antenuptial life of other matrons in that neighborhood besides Mistress Purchase; and the husband of that lady, if he ever experienced any misgivings on that score, would certainly have found a sympathetic spiritual adviser in the Rev. Richard Gibson, the settled minister of his former home of Saco. That gentleman also took unto himself a wife in 1638, and shortly after, under date of Jan. 14, 1639, I find him writing

* Two Voyages, p. 92.

A sufficient biographical account of Thomas Purchase can be found in Wheeler's "History of Brunswick," pp. 788-797.

4 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. vii. p. 375.

as follows to Governor Winthrop at Boston; and it is the Christian spirit of the last lines of the extract which might have been commended to Thomas Purchase, if he ever felt a regret that he had interfered with Sir Christopher Gardiner's domestic arrangements. Of his wife the Rev. Richard Gibson wrote thus:*

"By the providence of God and the counsel of friends, I have lately married Mary, daughter of Mr. Thomas Lewis, of Saco... Howbeit, so it is for the present that some troublous spirits out of misaffection, others, as is supposed, for hire, have cast an aspersion upon her, and generally avouch that she so behaved herself in the ship which brought her from England hither some two years ago that the block was reeved at the mainyard to have ducked her, and that she was kept close in the ship's cabin forty-eight hours for shelter and rescue, which tends to her utter infamy, the grief of her friends, and my very great infamy and hinderance.

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My humble suit unto your Worship is that you would please to call before you [certain persons named] which came over in the ship with her, and examine them of these things whereof she is accused, and I humbly entreat that you would give a testimonial of these examinations. I married the maid upon long demurs by advice of friends, and if these imputations be justly charged upon her, I shall reverence God's afflicting hand, and possess myself in patience under God's chastising."

Mr. T. C. AMORY read the following paper on the expedition into the Indian country in Western New York, under General John Sullivan, in 1779:

At page 54 of the memoir of Sir John Johnson prefixed to his "General Order Book" recently published, the author charges the Americans with inhumanity, with flaying and scalping the Indians. If soldiers, in retaliation for the massacre of their countrymen, the wholesale slaughter of women and children by the Iroquois and their allies, scalped or flayed their enemies, it was in rare instances. If at all, it was doubtless when the victims were quite beyond. any consciousness of the indignity. It was certainly without the sanction of their commanding officers, who took every reasonable precaution to prevent irregularities; and if, as stated in the memoir, such instances occurred, to restrain them would have been less easy after the treatment of Boyd.

No other harm was inflicted upon the Six Nations than the destruction of their towns and crops, thus crippling their

5 Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. i. p. 267.

power of mischief by cutting off their supplies, and depriving them of hiding-places from which to molest the army. There is good ground for believing that no other harm was ever intended or desired, or was practicable, unless, in case of their resistance, by the usual methods of civilized warfare. The army of the Americans was too strong to be attacked in force, and too skilfully guided and guarded to afford much chance for an ambush.

The course pursued conformed to the specific instructions of Washington, which General Sullivan carried with him on the expedition, and which are now in my possession. They will be found in full at page 104 of the "Military Services of Sullivan," published in 1868. They contain several passages which Mr. Sparks for some reason omitted in his publication, presumably, in part, in order that no reproach of inhumanity might attach to the character of Washington. These instructions specifically direct that the destruction of the buildings and harvests should be thorough, so as to discourage and prevent the repetition of atrocities like those at Wyoming. Washington wrote to Lafayette, Sept. 12, 1779, "that the expedition must convince the Indians that their cruelties cannot pass with impunity, and that they have been instigated to arms and acts of barbarism by a nation unable to protect them, and which have left them to that correction due to their villany." On the 28th of the same month he wrote to Colonel John Laurens: "By this time I expect General Sullivan will have completed the entire destruction of the whole settlements of the Six Nations, excepting those of the Oneidas and such other friendly towns as have merited a friendly treatment."

The author of the memoir of Johnson considers the expedition ill advised. Had he with candor and intelligence studied the history of the war, or especially been familiar with the operations of 1779, or had he read without preconceived opinions the centennial addresses of a century later, he would have discovered many other motives and reasons for the expedition into the country of the Iroquois, than simply to punish or deter these marauders. He could not then have failed to recognize the true explanation of the measures and of the methods adopted, and the reasons for what was accomplished or left undone. Much may be surmised where no written proof remains, and where the reasons were studiously kept secret at the time to conceal the designs of the Americans and to mislead the enemy. But the historical evidence is full and explicit, and needs no aid from inference. While

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