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vantage to remove beyond the Mississippi. We think otherwise. Our people universally think otherwise. Thinking that it would be fatal to their interest, they have almost to a man sent their memorial to Congress, deprecating the necessity of a removal. This question was distinctly before their minds when they signed their memorial. Not an adult person can be found, who has not an opinion on the subject, and if the people were to understand distinctly, that they could be protected against the laws of the neighboring States, there is probably not an adult person in the nation, who would think it best to remove; though possibly a few might emigrate individually. There are doubtless many, who would flee to an unknown country, however beset with dangers, privations and sufferings, rather than be sentenced to spend six years in a Georgia prison for advising one of their neighbors not to betray his country. And there are others who could not think of living as outlaws in their native land, exposed to numberless vexations, and excluded from being parties or witnesses in a court of justice. It is incredible that Georgia should ever have enacted the oppressive laws to which reference is here made, unless she had supposed that something extremely terrific in its character was necessary in order to make the Cherokees willing to remove. We are not willing to remove; and if we could be brought to this extremity, it would be not by argument, not because our judgment was satisfied, not because our condition will be improved;

but only because we cannot endure to be deprived of our national and individual rights and subjected to a process of intolerable oppression.

We wish to remain on the land of our fathers. We have a perfect and original right to remain without interruption or molestation. The treaties with us, and laws of the United States made in pursuance of treaties, guaranty our residence, and our privileges and secure us against intruders. Our only request is, that these treaties may be fulfilled, and these laws executed.

But if we are compelled to leave our country, we see nothing but ruin before us. The country west of the Arkansas territory is unknown to us. From what we

can learn of it, we have no prepossessions in its favor. All the inviting parts of it, as we believe, are pre-occupied by various Indian nations, to which it has been assigned. They would regard us as intruders, and look upon us with an evil eye. The far greater part of that region is, beyond all controversy, badly supplied with wood and water; and no Indian tribe can live as agriculturists without these articles. All our neighbors, in case of our removal, though crowded into our near vicinity, would speak a language totally different from ours, and practise different customs. The original possessors of that region are now wandering savages, lurking for prey in the neighborhood. They have always been at war, and would be easily tempted to turn their arms against peaceful emigrants. Were the country to which we are urged much better

than it is represented to be, and were it free from the objections which we have made to it, still it is not the land of our birth, nor of our affections. It contains neither the scenes of our childhood, nor the graves of our fathers. The removal of families to a new country, even under the most favorable auspices, and when the spirits are sustained by pleasing visions of the future, is attended with much depression of mind and sinking of heart. This is the case, when the removal is a matter of decided preference, and when the persons concerned are in early youth or vigorous manhood. Judge, then, what must be the circumstances of a removal, when a whole community, embracing persons of all classes and every description, from the infant to the man of extreme old age, the sick, the blind, the lame,-the improvident, the reckless, the desperate, as well as the prudent, the considerate, the industrious, are compelled to remove by odious and intolerable vexations, and persecutions, brought upon them in the forms of law, when all will agree only in this, that they have been cruelly robbed of their country, in violation of the most solemn compacts, which it is possible for communities to form with each other; and that, if they should make themselves comfortable in their new residence, they have nothing to expect hereafter but to be the victims of a future legalized robbery !

Such we deem, and are absolutely certain, will be the feelings of the whole Cherokee people, if they are forcibly compelled, by the laws of Georgia, to remove;

and with these feelings, how is it possible that we should pursue our present course of improvement, or avoid sinking into utter despondency? We have been called a poor, ignorant, and degraded people. We certainly are not rich; nor have we ever boasted of our knowledge, or our moral or intellectual elevation. But there is not a man within our limits so ignorant as not to know that he has a right to live on the land of his fathers, in the possession of his immemorial privileges, and that this right has been acknowledged and guarantied by the United States; nor is there a man so degraded as not to feel a keen sense of injury, on being deprived of this right and driven into exile.

It is under a sense of the most pungent feelings that we make this, perhaps our last appeal to the good people of the United States. It cannot be that the community we are addressing, remarkable for its intelligence and religious sensibilities, and pre-eminent for its devotion to the rights of man, will lay aside this appeal, without considering that we stand in need of its sympathy and commiseration. We know that to the Christian and the philanthropist the voice of our multiplied sorrows and fiery trials will not appear as an idle tale. In our own land, on our own soil, and in our own dwellings, which we reared for our wives and for our little ones, when there was peace on our mountains and in our valleys, we are encountering troubles which cannot but try our very souls. But shall we, on account of these troubles, forsake our beloved country? Shall we be compelled by a civilized and

Christian people, with whom we have lived in perfect peace for the last forty years, and for whom we have willingly bled in war, to bid a final adieu to our homes, our farms, our streams and our beautiful forests? No. We are still firm. We intend still to cling, with our wonted affection, to the land which gave us birth, and which every day of our lives, brings to us new and stronger ties of attachment. We appeal to the judge of all the earth, who will finally award us justice, and to the good sense of the American people, whether we are intruders upon the land of others. Our consciences bear us witness that we are the invaders of no man's rights-we have robbed no man of his territory—we have usurp ed no man's authority, nor have we deprived any one of his unalienable privileges. How then shall we indirectly confess the right of another people to our land by leaving it forever? On the soil which contains the ashes of our beloved men, we wish to live-on this soil we wish to die.

We intreat those to whom the foregoing paragraphs are addressed, to remember the great law of love. Do to others as ye would that others should do to you.'Let them remember that of all nations on the earth, they are under the greatest obligation to obey this law. We pray them to remember that, for the sake of principle, their forefathers were compelled to leave, therefore, driven from the old world, and that the winds of persecution wafted them

over the great waters and landed them on the shores of the new world, when the Indian was the sole lord and proprietor of these extensive domains. Let them remember in what way they were received by the savage of America, when power was in his hand, and his ferocity could not be restrained by any human arm. We urge them to bear in mind, that those who would now ask of them a cup of cold water, and a spot of earth, a portion of their own patrimonial possessions, on which to live and die in peace, are the descendants of those, whose origin, as inhabitants of North America, history and tradition are alike insufficient to reveal. Let them bring to remembrance all these facts, and they cannot, and will not fail to remember and sympathize with us in these our trials and sufferings. LEWIS ROSS,

James Daniel,
Jos. Vann,
David Vann,
Edward Gunter,
Richard Taylor,
John Baldridge,
Samuel Ward,

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James Bigby,
Deer-in-the-water,
Charles Reese,
Sleeping Rabbit,
Chu-nu-gee,
Bark,

Laugh-at-mush,
Chuleowah,
Walking Stick,
Turtle,
Moses Parris,

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W. S. COODY, Clerk.

GOING SNAKE,

Speaker of the Council.
J. R. Daniel,
Slim Fellow,
Situake,
De-gah-le-lu-ge,
Robbin,
Tah-lah-doo,
Nah-hoo-lah,
White Path,
Ne-gah-we,
Dah-ye-ske.

JOHN RIDGE,

Clerk of the Council.

New Echota, C. N. July 17, 1830.

}

Department of War, Office of Indian Affairs, June 6, 1830. on the subject. Intruders will be kept out; but the States will not SIR-I am directed by the be interfered with, by the PresiSecretary of War, to inform you dent, in exercising their laws over that the President has concluded them. Such, therefore, as will it proper to suspend the present be satisfied to remain under the mode of enrolling and sending off State laws, will, if they choose, emigrants in small parties as here- remain; others who prefer to retofore. The removal of the Cher- move can do so, and these will okees and other advantages which be supported by the Government would result to them from it are in their removal, free of any exso obvious, and have been so pense to them, and have a full, often explained, as to need no and just value paid for such imfurther efforts to make it better provements as they may leave, understood, at least in the way in that add real value to the soil, which it has been done in the past. and be maintained for one year after If they, as a people, think it for their arrival in the West, by which their interest to remain in the time they will have prepared by States within whose limits they are, opening farms and otherwise, for and be subject to the laws of those the support of themselves and States, the consequences, what- families. You can further say to ever they may be, following their own choice, will be chargeable to nobody but themselves; but it is made your special duty to inform the Cherokees, not their chiefs only but the people, and in such mode as you may think proper to adopt, which shall be most likely to make the information general, that the President, having no power to interfere, and oppose the exercise of the sovereignty of any State, over and upon all who may be within the limits of any State, they will prepare themselves to abide the issue of such new relations without any hope that he will interfere. But assure them, at the same time, that such power as the laws give him for their protection, shall be executed for their benefit, and this will not seeks not to oppress, or deceive fail to be exercised in keeping them. He feels for them as a out intruders. Beyond this he father feels for his children, and cannot go. It is important there is deeply solicitous for their welould be no misunderstanding fare. It is probable that in the

them, if they are disposed to treat with the General Government, that liberal terms will be extended to them; their limits beyond the Mississippi shall be enlarged, and all things done for their protection, and guidance, and improvement, which the President may have the power to do. Their limits in the West shall be surveyed and marked, so as to avoid any difficulty arising out of a confusion of lines, between them and neighboring tribes.

This suspension of present operations is designed to afford the Cherokees an opportunity to ponder in their present situation; and to deliberate calmly, as to what is best for them to do. The President is their friend.

He

fall, or the spring following, they may be prepared to act with intelligence in this great matter. The President wishes the Cherokees to be fully informed upon all the points connected with their pending and future relations. He will not deceive them; and he wishes that no misunderstanding should exist, as between the Cherokees and himself, or between them and you. Speak to them as their friend, and with all the sincerity of a friend. Use no threats, exercise no unkindness. If they stay, it will be of their own free will, if they remove, it will be of their own free will also. There will be employed no force, any way, but the force of reason and parental counsel, unless it shall be to protect them in removing.

When the Cherokees shall have finally determined what course they will pursue, you will inform the Department. If the whole, or the greater body of the nation determine to remove, the President will send to them a confidential commissioner, who will receive a delegation at some convenient place, and one that will be most agreeable to them.

The President or Secretary of War will probably visit Tennessee, in all this month; they will have reached Nashville by the

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If the

20th or 30th of July. chiefs or principal men of the nation desire to see the President, upon the important matters which concern them, he will gladly see them in person, there. But if they cannot go willingly and prepared with full powers to make a treaty for a removal, it will not be necessary for them to go, since, in that way, only, can he assist them, promote their welfare, and establish their future prosperity. If the chiefs shall come with this determination all their necessary expenses will be borne.

You will discontinue the agency of Messrs Bridges and Hunter; after they shall have valued what improvements may remain to be valued, and those of the issuing agent, after the supplies are disposed of to such Indians as may be in transitu, and after you shall have disposed, to the best advantage, of what supplies, and other matters may remain on hand; and have their accounts, and all other accounts brought to a close immediately, and forward them to the Department.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

(Signed)

THOS. L. McKENNEY. To Col. HUGH MONTGOMERY, Cherokee Agent, Calhoun, Tenn.

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