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stant desire to observe towards the Indian tribes within our limits, a just and liberal policy; and to give that humane and considerate attention to their rights and their wants, which are consistent with the habits of our government, and the feelings of our people.

generally. And a firm reliance on the goodness of that Power whose providence mercifully protected our national infancy, and has since upheld our liberties in various vicissitudes, encourages me to offer up my ardent supplications that he will continue to make our beloved country the object of his divine care and gracious benediction.'

The Senate, which had been summoned by his predecessor (Mr Adams) to meet on the

"The recent demonstration of public sentiment inscribes, on the list of Executive duties, in characters too legible to be overlooked, the task of reform; which will require, particularly, the correction of those abuses that have brought the patronage of the Fed-fourth of March, after attending eral Government into conflict the inauguration, adjourned to the with the fredom of elections, and next day for the purpose of transthe counteraction of those causes acting such business as might be which have disturbed the rightful members of his Cabinet, General laid before it. In selecting the course of appointment, and have members of his Cabinet, General placed, or continued power in, Jackson was compelled to afford unfaithful or incompetent hands. some indications as to his future In the performance of a task course, and no small anxiety was thus generally delineated, I shall evinced to discover upon whom endeavor to select men whose dil- his choice might fall. So much igence and talents will insure, in had been said as to the ability of their respective stations, able and the confidential advisers he would faithful co-operation, depending call around him, and so many for the advancement of the public men of undoubted talents were service, more on the integrity and to be found among his supporters, zeal of the public officers, than that it was generally anticipated,

on their numbers.

'A diffidence, perhaps too just, in my own qualifications, will teach me to look with reverence to

the examples of public virtue left by my illustrious predecessors, and with veneration to the lights that flow from the mind that founded, and the mind that reformed, our system. The same diffidence induces me to hope for instruction and aid from the coordinate branches of the Government, and for the indulgence and support of my fellow citizens

that his Cabinet would not be in

ferior to the ablest of his predecessors. All speculations, however, were now to be brought to the test of fact, and the political character of his Cabinet as well as the talent and experience of his future advisers were no longer matter of doubt, when the following names were nominated to the Senate

MARTIN VAN BUREN, Secretary of State.

SAM'L. D. INGHAM, Secretary of the Treasury.

JOHN H. EATON, Secretary of War.

JOHN BRANCH, Secretary of the Navy.

JOHN MCPHERSON BERRIEN, Attorney General.

The Secretary of State had been a leading supporter of Mr Crawford, and had been distinguished among that class of politicians, both for activity and controlling influence. After he had determined upon supporting the election of General Jackson, he was equally efficient in promoting his views, and from his political influence and services, as well as on account of the importance and power of the State to which he belonged, it was generally expected, that his claims would not be overlooked in the formation of the Cabinet.

Mr Van Buren was a self-made man, and had by perseverance and the exercise of no ordinary talents, combined with great tact and selfpossession, raised himself to a high rank among the public men of the country. The evidence of his qualifications for this station was found rather in his skill as a political leader, than in his attainments as a stateman, or in the exhibition of profound and enlarged views of national policy. For his advancement in public life he had depended upon the discipline of party, in concentrating the suffrages of the many by the skilful management of a few, rather than upon the development of bold and comprehensive schemes of policy, or by the frank exposition of his views concerning the Constitution and the questions which agitated the country. The Attorney Ge

eral, unlike his coadjutor, had not always belonged to the school of politicians contending for a strict construction of the Constitution. He however possessed more varied attainments and was fully qualified by his learning and eloquence for the station to which he was elevated.

The other members of the Cabinet had not been particularly distinguished either for their public services or talents. Mr Eaton was indebted for his elevation solely to the friendship of the President and to the confidential relations subsisting between them: Mr Ingham was selected through the influence of the Vice President and because he had been an active partisan in Pennsylvania, the State which brought General Jackson forward as a candidate, and to whose support he owed his success: the public in vain sought for the reason which influenced the choice of the Secretary of the Navy, and a general opinion prevailed, that in the selection of his confidential advisers the President had not gratified the expectations of the country. Either from a conviction of this fact or from a desire to impart to the Post Office department greater political efficiency, it was determined to introduce the Post-master General into the Cabinet. The old Post-master General (John McLean) had refused to make his department an engine to subserve party purposes, and it was deemed necessary to remove him to the bench of the Supreme Court, and to fill his place with William T. Barry, one of the leaders of the relief party in Kentucky.

The Cabinet was now constitut

ed, and after confirming the nomination of some active partisans to diplomatic posts and to lucrative stations in the land office, custom house and navy, the Senate adjourned on the 17th of March, the Executive having informed that body that he had no further business to lay before it. The promised work of reform now commenced in good earnest. Before the inauguration, the capital had been thronged with political partisans chiefly from the Eastern, Western, and Middle States, all clamorous for some reward for their electioneering services during the canvass. It had been distinctly avowed by the most prominent organs of the successful party, that the President would be urged to reward his friends and punish his enemies; it was expected that he would make a prompt and general removal of his opponents from office, and by the appointment of his friends secure the ascendency of his party. This expectation was not destined to the disappointment which attended that concerning the character of his Cabinet. Scarcely had the Senate adjourned, when a general system of removal from office was entered upon with the view of rewarding those political partisans who had been instrumental in promoting his election. Never before had so total a

change been made in the public offices. Formerly it had been confined to those prominent places, which constitute the stakes for which the game of politics is so often played. so often played. The revolution extended farther now, and men too humble to be claimed by any party, were removed from situations upon which they depended for a livelihood to make room for a set of clamorous partisans. Availing himself of the right of the Executive to fill vacancies occrruing in the recess, the President shortly after the adjournment of the Senate, removed the principal officers of the treasury, the Marshals and District Attorneys in most of the Eastern, Middle and Western States, the revenue officers of the chief Atlantic, ports, the greater part of the receivers and registers in the land office and effected an equally radical change in the diplomatic corps.*

As these removals were invariably made to make room for political adherents; and as with some exceptions no act of official delinquency was proved against the former incumbents, the conduct of the Executive was subjected to severe animadversions. He was charged with usurping an authority not conferred by the Constitution, which it was contended only gave him the right to fill vacancies either

*Appointments made during the recess. - Ministers plenipotentiary to Great Britain, France, Netherlands, Spain: Charge d'Affairs-Mexico, Peru: Secretaries of Legation Great Britain, France, Netherlands, Colombia: Marshals and District Attorneys, in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, New Jersey, Louisiana, Kentucky, Virginia, Tennessee, and Missouri: District Attorneys-New Hampshire, Connecticut, New York, Virginia, Alabama, Indiana, Florida: Collectors, Surveyors, Naval Officers and Appraisers - Maine 3, New Hampshire 1, Massachusetts 9, Vermont 1, Connecticut 1, New York 11, New Jersey 1, Pennsylvania 2, Delaware 1, Maryland 3, District of Columbia 2, Virginia 1, North Carolina 2, Louisiana 4, Western States and territories 6: Receivers and Registers in Western land offices 26: Consuls 21: In the Departments at Washington 46.

accidentally occurring, or caused - by some official misconduct; and even if acting within the limits of his constitutional prerogative, it was a proscription for opinion's sake contrary to the spirit of our institutions and without a precedent in the history of the country.* The officers removed were experienced and faithful, and much was justly and forcibly urged against making the public offices the prize of party contests, and thus augmenting party violence. and stimulating the cupidity of political adventurers by rewards distributed without any criterion, except the unscrupulous manner in which the candidates had promoted the views of their party. On the other hand it was contended, that the Executive was solely invested with the right of removal, that it was a discretionary right, for the exercise of which he was responsible solely to the nation, that that power was given to enable him not only to remove incumbents for delinquency or incapacity, but with the view of reforming the administration of the government and introducing officers of greater efficiency or sounder principles into its various departments. Occasion was also taken, owing to the defalcation of a few of those removed, to assert the necessity of reform, and un

sparing efforts were made to create an impression on the public mind of the necessity of a general removal of the officers of the Federal Government.

Some abuses no doubt existed, and one instance of fraud and defalcation on the part of an auditor high in the confidence of the late administration, gave a temporary popularity to this policy; but when it was discovered, after a vigorous scrutiny, that defalcations to the amount of a few thousand dollars only were detected, and that in no instance were these fastened upon officers appointed by the immediate predecessor of General Jackson, a reaction took place in the public feeling, and doubts began to arise, whether the country might not lose as much by the inexperience of the new officers, whose fidelity was yet to be subjected to the test of experience, as by the defalcations of some of the old. A still heavier and better founded objection to this reform was found in the private character of some of the new incumbents; and the Senate was called upon to rescue the country from the disgrace of having its business committed to men, whose conduct had awakened alike the indignation of the community and the censure of its laws.

This manner of distributing the

*During General Washington's Administration of eight years, there were nine removals; of these one was a defaulter.

In John Adams' Administration of four years, there were ten removals; one of these was a defaulter.

In Thomas Jefferson's of eight years, there were thirtynine.

In James Madison's of eight years, there were five removals; of which three were defaulters.

In James Monroe's of eight years, there were nine removals. Of these one was for dealing in slaves (Guinea,) two for failures, one for insanity, one for misconduct, and one for quarrels with a foreign Government.

In John Quincy Adams', there were two removals; both for cause.

executive patronage was also strongly contrasted with the professions of General Jackson shortly before the election. He had then earnestly inculcated the propriety of a Chief Magistrate acting for the good of the whole and not a part of the community, and devoting himself to exterminate party spirit; and among the most reprehensible modes of bestowing appointments, he had designated that of conferring offices on members of Congress. He regarded this as aiming so directly at the independence and purity of the legislature, that he proposed an amendment to the Constitution, prohibiting the appointment of members of Congress to any office except judicial, during the term for which they were elected and two years thereafter. It was therefore cause of just and general surprise to find him within the first year of his administration conferring a greater number of offices upon members of Congress, than any of his predecessors had done during their whole term of service.

As the members appointed had been actively engaged in promoting his election, he was not only accused of inconsistency, but of carrying into practice that system of corruption which he had depicted as the probable consequence of that mode of bestowing offices.

The numerous appointments bestowed upon editors of violent political journals were also severely criticised. It was denominated an attempt upon the purity of the

periodical press, and when systematized it would directly tend to augment the violence of party disputes and to corrupt the fountain of political intelligence, by holding up public office to editors as a reward for electioneering services.

The general change which took place in the Post Office department gave additional dissatisfaction to the moderate men of the country. Under the superintendence of Mr McLean this department had been distinguished for its efficiency and order, and as its functions operated directly upon the private business of individuals, that officer had acquired great and deserved popularity from the manner in which its duties were discharged. He had himself been favorable to the election of General Jackson, and his continuance in an office of so much influence and patronage had been deemed an instance of magnanimity on the part of Mr Adams, and a proof of his determination not to use the patronage of the government for party purposes.

The removal of that officer and the introduction of his successor into the Cabinet were regarded as indications of an intention to introduce the same proscriptive system into the Post Office, and the numerous removals, which took place shortly after his appointment verified the apprehensions of the community. In this state of public feeling the 21st Congress assembled, and it was easily foreseen that the appoint

*

* By the report of the Post-Master General, in answer to a resolution of the Senafe, it appeared that he had removed between the 4th of March, 1829, and the 22d of March, 1830, 491 post-masters, viz: In Maine fifteen, New Hampshire fiftyfive, Vermont twentytwo, Massachusetts twentyeight, Rhode Island three, Connecticut twenty, New York one hundred and thirtyone, New Jersey fourteen, Pennsylvania

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