48

ANECDOTE OF WILKINS AND COSIN.

too small to have a decisive influence; but they had the argument upon the score of policy, as well as of good morals. This was well illustrated by Wilkins, in a conversation with Cosin, Bishop of Durham, who had censured him for his moderation. Wilkins frankly told him, that he was a better friend to the church than his lordship: "For, while you,” says he, “are for setting the top on the picqued end downwards, you wont be able to keep it up any longer than you keep whipping and scourging; whereas I am for setting the broad end downwards, and so 'twill stand of itself.”* Wilkins was a philosopher as well as a Christian; but the generality of his brethren were mere courtiers; and whilst they pretended to be the followers of Christ, showed themselves to be the enemies of man.

* Calamy's Life of Howe, p. 33.

CHAPTER IV.

The King and Parliament unite in oppressing the People.-Sydney's Account of the Introduction of Bribery.-Marvel's Representation.-De Foe's Account of the Pension-Parliament.-The Springs of Charles's Policy.— His Treaty with the French King.-The Cabal.—Intermission of Parliaments.-Charles's Perfidy to the Dutch.-And to his own Subjects.-Shuts up the Exchequer.-De Foe's Account of its ruinous consequences.-Declaration of Indulgence.—Shaftesbury's Reflections upon it.-Re-called.— The King's Duplicity.-Wickedness of Laws to prescribe Religion.-The Test Act.-Opposed by the Court.-The King gives his Assent.-Conduct of the Earl of Bristol.-And of the Dissenters.-Reflections upon it.— Their Patriotism praised by De Foe.-His Account of Alderman Love's Speech. And of the Policy of the Court in Religious Matters.—Persecution renewed.-De Foe's Remarks upon the Subversion of Justice.

1670--1677.

DURING the first half of this reign, King Charles and his parliament acted in harmonious concert to enslave the people, and plunder them of their property, which was disposed of in support of his vices, and in purchasing the independence of those who should have been the guardians of the public purse. "It was in this reign," observes one of our political writers, "that that cursed and detestable policy was much improved of bribing parliaments, by distributing all the great employments of England among them, and supplying the want of places with grants of land and money. No man could be preferred to any employment in church or state till he had declared himself an open enemy to our constitution, by asserting despotic power under that nonsensical phrase of passive-obedience, which was more preached up

50

SYDNEY'S ACCOUNT OF BRIBERY.

than all the laws of God and man.”* For this device, Sydney informs us, the nation was beholden to Hyde, Clifford, and Danby, "who found a parliament full of lewd young men, chosen by a furious people in spite to the Puritans, whose severity had distasted them. The weakest of all ministers had wit enough to understand that such as these might be easily deluded, corrupted, or bribed. Some were fond of their seats in parliament, and delighted to domineer over their neighbours by continuing in them. Others preferred the cajoleries of the court before the honour of performing their duty to the country that employed them. Some sought to relieve their ruined fortunes, and were most forward to give the king a vast revenue, that from thence they might receive pensions. This emboldened the court to think of making parliaments to be the instruments of our slavery, which had in all ages past been the firmest pillars of our liberty."+ Marvel, who was one of the few honest members, observes, "Such was the number of the constant courtiers, increased by the apostate patriots, who were bought off for that turn, some at six, others ten, one at fifteen thousand pounds in money, besides what offices, lands, and reversions to others, that it is a mercy they gave not away the whole land and liberty of England.”‡

From such a state of things, the nation could not but reap the bitterest fruits. They are thus described by De Foe: "Did not our fathers in a pension-parliament sell our liberties, and give away our substance to the luxury and tyranny of a party? Did they not sell us to a Popish successor, and to all the miseries of a war that followed? How did they get leave to do this, but by buying the voices of the poor ignorant, debauched people? And why was it that the policy of that age made it a great rule to debauch the morals

* Hist of Standing Armies, p. 12. ↑ Disc. on Gov. p. 456, ed. 1763. Marvel's Works, ii. 74.

THE SPRINGS OF CHARLES'S POLICY.

51

and senses of the people in general, but in order to this very thing, that being made thus lunatic, they might be bound in the chains of a fettered understanding, and led hoodwinked to their own ruin; and so choose men equally given up to bribery, for the destruction of the laws, liberties, and prosperity of their country? Thus it was of old time, when arbitrary counsels invaded us, and it was by the aid of this vile practice they obtained; freeholders and electors being deluded to give away, or sell their voices to villains that had been before debauched in principle, and had consented to deposit our liberty in the hands of tyranny.

Although the main-spring of Charles's policy, both domestic and foreign, was the extortion of money, yet, there were two other designs which he never lost sight of: these were, to render himself independent of parliaments, and to subvert the Protestant religion. Towards the accomplishment of both, the parliament had assisted him to make rapid strides; and he hoped to accomplish the remainder by cementing his relations with France. For this purpose, he negotiated a treaty with the French king, without the knowledge of his ministers, and engaged, for the sum of two millions of livres, to declare himself a Catholic, as soon as circumstances should permit. He also stipulated for a body of French troops to assist in the project; but, with his usual art, made a reserve of the time to his own choice. Charles pocketted the money; but whether he had any serious intention to fulfil the contract may be doubted, as he loved his ease too well to venture upon so dangerous a measure. By another treaty, for which he was to receive three millions of livres, he engaged to assist France in destroying the liberties of Holland. Much has been said and written about the hypocrisy of Cromwell; but a prince who could act with so much perfidy to a people who received + Dalrymple, App.

Review, v. 83.

him with caresses, and loaded him with favors, throws all competitors for disgrace in the back ground.

Having taken into his confidence five ministers, who, from the initial letters of their names, were called the CABAL, (N) Charles determined to push his attack upon the religion and liberties of the nation. That he might effect this with the greater ease, he dismissed his parliament upon the 11th of April, 1670, and intermitted its sitting for nearly three years. He was now at leisure to make war upon the Dutch, for which he feigned the most frivolous pretences; but before his declaration, he made an attempt to seize their Smyrna fleet. Although such a proceeding was contrary to all the recognized principles of law and honor, yet, this consideration was of little weight with a prince who broke through the most sacred ties to his own subjects. It was but a few weeks before that he defrauded the bankers who had lent money to the government, by shutting up the Exchequer. The panic which this measure occasioned in the city, is thus described by De Foe: "On a sudden, like a clap of thunder, K. Charles II. shut up the Exchequer, which was the common centre of the overplus cash these great bankers had in their hands. What was the consequence? Not only the bankers who had the bulk of their cash there, but all Lombard-street stood still, as if they had been thunderstruck. The very report of having money in the Exchequer brought a run upon the goldsmiths that had no money there, as well as upon those that had; and not only Sir Robert Vyner, Alderman Backwell, Farringdon, Forth, and others, broke and failed, but several were ruined who had not a penny of money in the Exchequer, and only sunk by the rumour of it; that rumour bringing a run upon the whole street, and giving a check to

(N) The five persons were Sir Thomas Clifford, the Earl of Arlington, the Duke of Buckingham, Ashley Cooper, afterwards Earl of Shaftesbury, and the Earl of Lauderdale.