CHAPTER III.

Restoration of Charles II.-De Foe's Account of that Event and its Consequences to the Nation.-Profligacy of the Court.-De Foe's Picture of the Times.-May Poles.-Drunkenness.—Swearing.-Cavaliers responsible for the change of manners.— -Anecdote of Milton.-Early Steps to enslave the Nation. Charles's little regard to Oaths.-His Conversion to the Catholic Religion.--Duplicity to the Presbyterians.-Act of Uniformity.Revival of Ecclesiastical Observances.-Curious License for eating Flesh.— The King's Declaration of Indulgence.-Character of Lord Clarendon.— Sheldon's Buffoonery.-Preaching of the Times.-Severity of the Parliament.-And of the Clergy.-Barbarity of Sheldon and Ward.--Character of the Court Clergy.-Some of a better Spirit.-Anecdote of Wilkins and Cosin.

1662-1670.

If any period of our history exceeds another in interest and importance, it is that which elapsed between the Restoration, and the accession of the House of Hanover. For, it was then that the great battle was fought which placed our liberties upon a firm footing; and, as it brought forward the leading characters of all parties, so it was fruitful in circumstances which will always furnish topics for useful reflection. It was during this eventful period that De Foe passed the most considerable portion of his life; and the sequel will show that he was not only an acute observer, but, also, no inconsiderable actor upon the stage of politics.

At the commencement of his career, the throne was occupied by Charles the Second, a prince of dissipated habits, who governed the nation with as despotic a sway as any of his predecessors. For his sudden elevation to a dignity of which

34

RESTORATION OF CHARLES II.

he proved himself so unworthy, he was indebted more to the dissensions of the nation, than to the exertions of his friends, who had been subdued by the military prowess of Cromwell, and kept down by the severity of his government. The confusion that followed the death of the Protector, owing to the weakness of the civil power, and its subjection to the army, united opposite parties in promoting the return of Charles as the most likely method for putting an end to civil discord. Although the merit of this proceeding was claimed chiefly by Monk, who acted throughout with the greatest duplicity, yet, it could not have been effected without the concurrence of the Presbyterians, who had possession of the government, and formed the strongest party in the nation. Notwithstanding their opposition to the first Charles, who had rendered himself odious by his tyranny, they retained their attachment to regal government, and cheerfully seconded the public voice in calling home his son.

A fine opportunity now offered for securing the liberties of the people, by placing such boundaries to the royal authority as were suggested by reason and experience. For this purpose some limitations were proposed in parliament; but the artifice of some and the extravagant joy of others defeated so prudent a measure, and restored the nation to a tyranny from which it became necessary to relieve itself by another revolution.

After an exile of twelve years, Charles returned to England in the month of May, 1660, amidst the joyful acclamations of the people. The expectations that were raised by this event, and the methods by which they were defeated, are thus described by De Foe:

"The blessed restoration of the royal line promised England happy days, a general cessation of blood and rapine, the sad but natural consequences of civil war, and all people seemed to be pleased with the change. Nor had the nation's hopes been defeated, had the king come over with a

ITS CONSEQUENCES TO THE NATION.

35

head or a heart embarked either in his own interest, or that of his country. But tainted with that plague of monarchs, the lust of arbitrary rule, the king set up a separate happiness from that of his people. It would be a long and melancholy story to relate here the steps by which he attempted the liberties and some say, the religion of this country; and such was the humour of the times, that this prince had a strange influence over the people by being unmeasurably beloved by them. But here providence permitted one vice to destroy another. The prince, given up entirely to his ease, and drowned in all the luxuries of a life devoted to sloth and effeminacy, his long lascivious reign was spent wholly in drunkenness, lewdness, and all manner of debaucheries. To maintain the profuse expence that always attends a life of so much pleasure, he neither could be satisfied with the daily extensions of subsidies and taxes given by parliament, nor with several encroachments on his people, but basely subjected himself to be a pensioner of France, receiving vast sums from the French court. In lieu thereof, it is a sad story to tell how he took his measures by their direction, being managed by French councils, wheedled by French w―s, bribed by French money, and in a word, given up to French interest."*

The character of Charles was not improved by his residence abroad, nor by the society he kept after his return. Unrestrained by any feeling of shame, he resigned himself openly, from the day of his landing, to every species of profligacy. In this respect, at least, he emulated his brother of France. A writer of those times, alluding to the two kings, says, "Their courts were full of infamous women, who publickly, and in open day-light, revelled in banquetting, and all kinds of wantonness: and this not only in the public gardens, in the city, and in the bagnios, in walking, dressing, company-keeping, ogling, and loose conversation; but even

*Review, vi. 18.

36

PROFLIGACY OF THE COURT.

in embracing, kissing, and sporting with their admirers in pleasure-boats in the sight of all the people, attended by a set of bullies for their guards. And those who did not conform to these things, and had not also learned the polite mode of swearing, were looked upon as old-fashioned formal people, and disaffected to the king. The French king's chief delight was in Madamoiselle de la Valiere, and Madame de Montespan; the King of England in the Countess of Castlemain, Nell Gwynne, and the little Frenchwoman. By the example of these kings, the masculine virtue of the age was softened into effeminacy, and good morals were changed into a contempt of all religion, and an avowed practice of every vice. From the example of the court, the distinctions of truth and falsehood were lost among the people, who for the most part reckoned nothing evil but pain, and nothing good but pleasure."* (K)

The vices of the times are chastised by De Foe with becoming spirit. "Immediately on the Restoration," says he,

one of the first demonstrations the people gave of the liberty they enjoyed in all manner of excesses, was the erecting of may-poles all over the kingdom. What riot and revelling ensued is a melancholy tale, and I choose rather to bury than revive the memory of it. I am far from arguing against innocent diversions, and the ordinary sports and pastimes of the people. Recreations are without doubt, as lawful in themselves as labour, and in some cases as useful; but the may-pole recreation was generally the excursion of the flagon. I omit very willingly the profaneness of its

* Cunningham's Hist. Great Britain, i. 25, 26.

(K)❝ 1661, August 31st. At court, things are in very ill condition, there being so much emulation, poverty, and the vices of drinking, swearing, and loose amours, that I know not what will be the end of it but confusion: and the clergy so high, that all people that I meet with do protest against their practice. In short, I see no content or satisfaction any where, in any one sort of people."---Pepys's Memoires, i. 115.

DRUNKENNESS AND SWEARING.

37

original, and believe the country lads and lasses may as innocently dance around a may-pole as any where else. But the objection is, that when the extravagances of church exultation appear, they generally shew themselves in giving a greater swing to immorality than any other people; rather prompting vice than conniving at an innocent diversion."*

Of the lengths to which the crime of drunkenness was carried, De Foe has recorded some curious specimens. "If the history of this well-bred vice," says he, "was to be written, it would plainly appear that it began among the gentry, and from them was handed down to the poorer sort, who still love to be like their betters. After the Restoration, when drinking the king's health became the distinction between a cavalier and a round-head, drunkenness began its reign. The gentry caressed this beastly vice at such a rate, that no companion, no servant was thought proper, unless he could bear a quantity of wine; and to this day, when you would speak well of a man, you say, he is an honest drunken fellow, as if his drunkenness was a recommendation of his honesty. Nay, so far has this custom prevailed, that the top of a gentleman's entertainment has been to make his friend drunk ; and the friend is so much reconciled to it, that he takes it for the effect of his kindness. The further perfection of this vice amongst the gentry appears in the way of expressing their joy for any public blessing. "Jack," said a gentleman of very high quality, when, after the debate in the House of Lords, King William was voted into the vacant throne, "Jack, go home to your lady and tell her we have got a Protestant King and Queen; and go make a bonfire as big as a house, and bid the butler make ye all drunk ye dog." "Here," says De Foe, "was sacrificing to the Devil, for a thanksgiving to God."+

The custom of profane swearing, whatever was its origin, had been long in vogue amongst all classes, but it now

Review, ii. 330.

+ Poor Man's Plea, p. 15.