The local accumulations of the revenue have already enabled the treasury to meet the publick engagements in the local currency of most of the states: and it is expected that the same cause will produce the same effect throughout the Union. But, for the interests of the community at large, as well as for the purposes of the treasury, it is essential that the nation should possess a currency of equal value, credit, and use, wherever it may circulate. The constitution has intrusted Congress, exclusively, with the power of creating and regulating a currency of that description; and the measures which were taken during the last session, in execution of the power, give every promise of success. The bank of the United States has been organized under auspices the most favourable, and cannot fail to be an important auxiliary to those measures.

For a more enlarged view of the publick finances, with a view of the measures pursued by the treasury department, previous to the resignation of the late Secretary, I transmit an extract from the last report of that officer. Congress will perceive in it ample proofs of the solid foundation on which the financial prosperity of the nation rests; and will do justice to the distinguished ability and successful exertions with which the duties of the department were executed, during a period remarkable for its difficulties and its peculiar perplexities.

The period of my retiring from the publick service being at little distance, I shall find no occasion more proper than the present for expressing to my fellow citizens my deep sense of the continued confidence and kind support which I have received from them. My grateful recollection of these distinguished marks of their favourable regard can never cease; and, with the consciousness, that if I have not served my country with greater ability, I have served it with a sincere devotion, will accompany me as a source of unfailing gratification.

Happily, I shall carry with me from the publick theatre, other sources, which those who love their country most, will best appreciate. I shall behold it blessed with tranquillity and prosperity at home, and with peace and respect abroad. I can indulge the proud reflection, that the American people have reached, in safety and success, their fortieth year as an independent nation; that, for nearly an entire generation, they have had experience of their present constitution, the offspring of their undisturbed delibe

rations and of their free choice; that they have found it to bear the trials of adverse as well as prosperous circumstances; to contain, in its combination of the federate and elective principles, a reconcilement of publick strength with individual liberty, of national power for the defence. of national rights, with a security against wars of injustice, of ambition, or vain glory, in the fundamental provision which subjects all questions of war to the will of the nation itself, which is to pay its costs and feel its calamities. Nor is it less a peculiar felicity of this constitution, so dear to us all, that it is found to be capable, without losing its vital energies, of expanding itself over a spacious territory, with the increase and expansion of the community for whose benefit it was established.

And may I not be allowed to add to this gratifying spectacle, that I shall read in the character of the American people, in their devotion to true liberty, and to the constitution which is its palladium, sure presages, that the destined career of my country will exhibit a government pursuing the publick good as its sole object, and regulating its means by the great principles consecrated in its charter, and by those moral principles to which they are so well allied? A government which watches over the purity of elections, the freedom of speech and of the press, the trial by jury, and the equal interdict against encroachments and compacts between religion and the state; which maintains inviolably the maxims of publick faith, the security of persons and property, and encourages, in every authorized mode, that general diffusion of knowledge; which guarantees to publick liberty its permanency, and to those who possess the blessing, the true énjoyment of it? A government which avoids intrusions on the internal repose of other nations, and repels them from its own; which does justice to all nations with a readiness equal to the firmness with which it requires justice from them; and which, whilst it refines its domestick code from every ingredient not congenial with the precepts of an enlightened age, and the sentiments of a virtuous people, seeks, by appeals to reason, and by its liberal examples, to infuse, into the law which governs the civilized world, a spirit which may diminish the frequency, or circumscribe the calamities of war, and meliorate the social and beneficent relations of peace? A government, in a word, whose conduct, within and without, may bespeak the most noble

of all ambitions-that of promoting peace on earth, and good will to man?

These contemplations, sweetening the remnant of my days, will animate my prayers for the happiness of my beloved country, and a perpetuity of the institutions under which it is enjoyed. JAMES MADISON.

MESSAGE

FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS, RELATIVE TO OBLIGATIONS TO BELLIGERENT POWERS. DEC. 26, 1816.

IT is found that the existing laws have not the efficacy necessary to prevent violations of the obligations of the United States as a nation at peace towards belligerent parties, and other unlawful acts on the high seas, by armed vessels equipped within the waters of the United States.

With a view to maintain, more effectually, the respect due to the laws, to the character, and to the neutral and pacifick relations of the United States, I. recommend to the consideration of Congress the expediency of such further legislative provisions as may be requisite for detaining vessels actually equipped, or in a course of equipment with a warlike force, within the jurisdiction of the United States; or, as the case may be, for obtaining from the owners or commanders of such vessels adequate securities against the abuse of their armaments, with the exceptions in such provisions, proper for the cases of merchant vessels furnished with the defensive armaments usual on distant and dangerous expeditions, and of a private commerce in military stores permitted by our laws, and which the law of nations does not require the United States to prohibit. JAMES MADISON.

DOCUMENTS

ACCOMPANYING A BILL TO PREVENT CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES FROM SELLING VESSELS OF WAR TO THE

CITIZENS OR SUBJECTS OF ANY FOREIGN POWER, &c. Mr. Forsyth, Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations, to the Secretary of State. Jan. 1, 1817.

SIR, I am instructed byt he committee of foreign re

lations, to inquire what information has been given to the department of state of violations or intended violations of the neutral obligations of the United States to foreign powers, by the arming and equipment of vessels of war in our ports; what prosecutions have been commenced under the existing laws to prevent the commission of such offences; what persons prosecuted have been discharged in consequence of the defects of the laws now in force, and the particular provisions that have been found insufficient, or for the want of which, persons deserving punishment have escaped.

I have the honour to be, &c. JOHN FORSYTH.

Secretary of State, to Mr. Forsyth. Jan. 6, 1817.

SIR,-Having communicated to you verbally the information asked for by your letter of the 1st inst. except so far as relates to the last inquiry it contains, I have now the honour to state, that the provisions necessary to make the laws effectual against fitting out armed vessels in our ports, for the purpose of hostile cruising, seem to be,

1st. That they should be laid under bond, not to violate the treaties of the United States, or the obligations of the United States under the law of nations, in all cases where there is reason to suspect such a purpose on foot; including the cases of vessels taking on board arms and munitions of war, applicable to the equipment and armament of such vessels, subsequent to their departure.

2d. To invest the collectors, or other revenue officers where there are no collectors, with power to seize and detain vessels under circumstances indicating strong presumption of an intended breach of the law: the detention to take place until the order of the Executive, on a full representation of the facts had thereupon, can be obtained. The statute book contains analogous powers to this above suggested. See particularly the 11th section of the act of Congress of April 25, 1808.

The existing laws do not go to this extent. They do not authorize the demand of security in any shape, or any interposition on the part of the magistracy as a preventive, where there is reason to suspect an intention to commit the offence. They rest upon the general footing of punishing the offence merely where, if there be full evi

dence of the actual perpetration of the crime, the party is handed over, after trial, to the penalty denounced. JAMES MONROE.

I have the honour to be, &c.

From the Same to the Same. Jan. 10, 1817. SIR,-In addition to the letter which I wrote to you on the 6th, in reply to the one which you wrote to me on the 1st instant, I have the honour to state, that information has been received at this department, from various sources, that vessels have been armed and equipped in our ports, for the purpose of cruising against the commerce of nations in amity with the United States, and no doubt is entertained that this information was in some instances correct. The owners of these vessels have, however, generally taken care so to conceal these armaments and equipments, and the object of them, as to render it extremely difficult, under existing circumstances, to prevent or punish this infraction of the law. It has been represented,

1st. That vessels belonging to citizens of the United States, or foreigners, have been armed and equipped in our ports, and have cleared out from our custom-houses, as merchant vessels; and, after touching at other ports, have hoisted the flag of some of the belligerents, and cruised under it against the commerce of nations in amity with the United States.

2ndly. That in other instances other vessels, armed and equipped in our ports, have hoisted such flags after clearing out and getting to sea, and have, in like manner, cruised against the commerce of nations in amity with the United States, extending their depredations, in a few cases, to the property of citizens of the United States.

3dly. That in other instances, foreign vessels have entered the ports of the United States, and, availing themselves of the privileges allowed by our laws, have, in various modes, augmented their armaments, with pretended commercial views-have taken on board citizens of the United States, as passengers, who, on their arrival at neutral ports, have assumed the character of officers and soldiers in the service of some of the parties in the contest now prevailing in our southern hemisphere.

Information, founded upon these representations, has, from time to time, been given to the attorneys and collectors of the respective districts in which the armaments аге stated to have been made; but from the difficulty of

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