which, if performed by others, could neither strengthen his case nor enfeeble it. And it may confidently be insisted not only that he has no concern with the particular application of these proceeds, but that, even, if he had, he would be authorized to rely upon the presumption, that they were applied as public money to public ends, or left in the public coffers. It must be remembered, moreover, that whatever may have been the destiny of these unhallowed spoils, they cannot well have failed to be instrumental in meliorating the condition of the country. They afforded extraordinary pecuniary means, which, as far as they extended, must have saved it from augmentation of its burdens, or, by relieving the ordinary revenue, made that revenue adequate to various improvements either of use or beauty, which, otherwise, it could not have accomplished. The territories, therefore, under the sway of Murat must be supposed to have returned to his Sicilian Majesty less exhausted, more embellished and more prosperous, than if the property of American citizens had not, in the mean time, been sacrificed to cupidity and cunning. It must further be remembered, that a part of that property was notoriously devoted to the public service. Some of the vessels, seized by orders of Murat were, on account of their excellent construction, converted into vessels of war, and as such commissioned by the government; and the undersigned is informed, that they are now in the possession of the officers of his Sicilian Majesty, and used and claimed as belonging to him."

This letter, after some delay, was answered by the Marquess di Circello, though Mr. Pinkney had at the time left Naples for St. Petersburg. We shall give some extracts from the reply, and the reader will perceive, that the Neapolitan government have declared themselves, by no means, responsible for these demands. In this position, they have gone one step beyond any other European state.

"The demand of Mr. Pinkney would not be, on this account, the less invalid, since the confiscation and sale of the American vessels and cargoes were acts, which proceeded directly from the power and from the will of Bonaparte. There exists, in fact, in the archives of the treasury a report of the minister, Agar, who presided over that department in 1809, addressed to Murat, who was then at Paris.

"The minister relates in this report, that two American ships had arrived at Naples, one from Salem, the other last from Algiers, laden with colonial produce, and that the necessary orders had been given to put the same under sequestration, conformably to the directions, antecedently issued from higher authority, with respect to the other vessels, arrived at Naples before the departure of Murat for Paris.

"He proceeds then to point out the great benefit, which the treasury would derive from opening the market to the colonial produce lying on board those ships, or in the custom house of Naples, by the duties, which would be collected upon the sale of it, and upon the export of the oils which the Americans would take as return cargoes.

"The minister remarks, in fine, that the confiscation itself of the American vessels and cargoes was but an inconsiderable resource, compared with the very great advantage, which would have resulted to the treasury from an active American trade, could it have been tolerated in the ports of the kingdom.

"Murat did not deem himself authorized to decide in any way, and submitted the report to his brother in law Napoleon, who decreed in margin, that the vessels and cargoes should be confiscated, because the embargo laid in the ports of the United States induced him to believe, that the produce must be British property, and its introduction into the continent a breach, therefore, of the too famous Berlin and Milan decrees.

"Murat then, let it be repeated, was but the passive instrument of the will of Bonaparte in the confiscation of the American ships, and if this could give birth to responsibility, such responsibility should no longer be imputed to the country, over which he reigned, and still less to the government, which has there resumed its lawful authority.

"The other and not less important consequence is, that the treasury, which was the fund of the State, never enjoyed the proceeds of the confiscations, and that, instead of being employed to alleviate the burdens of the people, or applied to the improvement or embellishment of the country, as is supposed in the note of the 26th of August, those proceeds only served to feed the caprices and the oriental pomp of the family of Murat and his adherents."

No further measures have been adopted in regard to the Neapolitan claim.

CHAPTER VIII.

RELATIONS WITH PORTUGAL.

Trade in Mediterranean, exposed to Barbary cruisers, first led to diplomatic intercourse-Humphreys sent to Lisbon in '91-Freire to this country-Legation suspended in 1801-Smith in '97-Portugal, small possessions in Europe-Brazil, an empire-In time of Pombal, court had design of going there-Portuguese, maritime people-Court prepared to leave Europe in 1802-Finally sailed in 1807, for Rio, just as French were entering Lisbon-Coronation of Don Pedro in Brazil—The first in the New World—Relations with Portugal-Sumpter and Graham ministers-Privateers-Correa de Serra-Dearborn appointed to Lisbon-Commercial treaty-Attempts a negotiation-Treaty with England and state of kingdom delay it-Ultra royal revolution in Portugal-England and Holy Alliance antagonists-Dearborn's account of Don Miguel's revolt and submission-Singular transaction-Obtains permission to return to United States-Offer of box with brilliants-Brent, Chargé-Constancio and Pereira Portuguese Chargés.

THE state of our commerce in the Mediterranean, first led to a diplomatic intercourse with Portugal. The circumstances of alliances, boundaries and original claims have conferred a peculiar character and uncommon importance upon all the relations, both of the confederation and the present government, with France, Spain and England. And though Portugal fell within the limits of the European trade, allowed by the mother country, we are not aware that the commerce of that nation, or its situation, or any other consideration, presented motives to a correspondence, which were not common to nearly all the European states. But the war, in which Portugal was engaged with Algiers in the early part of President Washington's administration, suggested the expediency of sending a minister to that court.

It is proper to state, that some negotiation took place with Portugal soon after the general peace of 1783, not, however, invited by this country, and, as it was never brought to a conclusion, the discussions were probably undertaken by that government for the purpose of ascertaining, whether any commercial advantages or markets could be obtained. December 1783, Dr. Franklin wrote to Congress, "that the conclusion of the Portuguese treaty waits only for the commission and instructions of Congress." In the spring of 1786, Messrs. Adams and Jefferson completed with the Portuguese minister, the Chevalier de Pinto, a negotiation as far as the powers of that gentleman would permit him to go.

David Humphreys, of Connecticut, was, in February '91, appointed minister resident, and soon after, this diplomatic courtesy was returned, on the part of Portugal, by the appointment of the Chevalier Freire to the United States. In '96, President Washington appointed John Quincy Adams, then minister resident at the Hague, minister plenipotentiary to Lisbon. Before leaving the Hague, however, he was transferred to Berlin. William Lawton Smith, of South Carolina, was in the next year appointed with the same rank to Lisbon; the legation was discontinued in June 1801.

In another part of this work, we have already had occasion to mention the extraordinary results, as it respects one portion of South America, that attended the invasion of Spain in 1807 by Napoleon Bonaparte. A circumstance, perhaps, as remarkable, certainly more unexpected, in consequence of the same event, unfolded itself in regard to the Portuguese possessions on that continent ;-a humble colony being suddenly elevated to the rank of a kingdom, and one of its principal cities transformed into a royal residence, the capital of a sovereign state. This is contrary to the course of things in modern times. Colonies have become independent, and, in some degree, the competitors of states, from which they sprung; but, with a disposition, certainly filial,

* The chevalier (Cyprien-Bibeiro) Freire was transferred from this country to Madrid, and on the 29th of September 1801, signed the celebrated treaty of Badajoz between France and Portugal.

to offer an asylum and protection to the parent government, a refuge from its own altars, is a new part for them to perform.

Portugal is distinguished rather by discoveries, remote possessions and commercial adventures, at one period of its annals, than by extent or population of territory in Europe. It is, moreover, the only modern nation, that possesses the classic advantage of having had its early voyages, along the coast of Africa, and maritime enterprises beyond the cape of Good Hope, recorded by the sweet muse of a native epic poet.

Since the middle of the last century, the best portion of the Portuguese dominions has been situated in America. Brazil was equal to the widest empire, but in Europe the narrow border Portugal occupied along the western coast of the Spanish peninsula, hardly exceeded in size one of the little dukedoms, or principalities, with which Germany is studded. The Portuguese government do not appear to have been insensible to this circumstance, or to the advantages of a removal of the seat of the kingdom. At least, Brazil has always been regarded as a spot, to which a safe and honourable retreat could be made, when their independence and sovereignty should be menaced in the old world. There appears now to be little doubt, that a plan of this sort was arranged during the administration of the Marquess of Pombal, when Portugal was so exceedingly pressed by Spain.

During the few years immediately preceding the invasion of Spain in 1807, the situation of the Portuguese had been altogether unsatisfactory and insecure ;-never on good terms with their powerful neighbour, then the devoted ally of the Emperor Napoleon, they suffered all the disadvantages, proceeding from a supposed partiality for England, without being able, at all, to profit of the protection of that nation. The treaty of Badahoz of 1802, excited the liveliest and best grounded apprehensions, and in that year, the principal minister of the Prince Regent, M. de Aranjo, proposed, that the seat of government should be transferred to the Ultra Mar.

Measures were secretly taken for the embarkation of