marked in Porto Rico than in either Cuba or the United States. For each race and sex, with a single exception, the proportion of breadwinners in Porto Rico is lower than in either of the other countries. White women are working in gainful occupations in Porto Rico to twice the extent they are in Cuba, although to an extent little more than half that prevailing in the United States.

BREADWINNERS CLASSIFIED AS NATIVE AND FOREIGN BORN.

This distinction is made in the occupation tables only for the whites. The colored foreign born, of whom there are 2,450 in Porto Rico, must be disregarded. The facts for the whites are given in the following table, by race and sex:

Hardly a moment's reflection is needed to detect the cause of the wide difference indicated in the preceding table between the native and the foreign born males and to reveal the insignificant character of such a table taken alone. The immigrant whites are mainly adults, and the large proportion of workers among them is not because they are of foreign birth, but is because they are adult. Hence, if there is any real difference between these two classes of whites, to discover it, groups of the same age must be compared. This is done in the following table:

This table shows that among males child labor is more common among the colored than among the white, but that from the age of 15 to that of 35 the proportion of breadwinners among the foreign born white is greater than among either of the other two classes. For later ages, from 35 on, the proportion is greatest among the colored, while that among the foreign born white sinks to the lowest of the three.

This may be due to the better economic condition of the foreign born white, enabling them to retire at an earlier age, or it may be explained by considering that the foreign born white are not preeminently engaged in agriculture, and that the other forms of industry can not be carried on so effectively by persons of advanced years. Among the females one notices that from the beginning to the end of life, the proportion of wage earners among the colored is greater than in either of the other classes, and in the later age periods it is more than twice as great among the colored as among either of the other classes.

BREADWINNERS CLASSIFIED BY KIND OF OCCUPATION.

The occupations in which persons are engaged are grouped by the census into five main classes. Arranged in the order of their prevalence, the groups are:

1. Agriculture, fisheries, and mining.

2. Domestic and personal service.

3. Manufacturing and mechanical industries.

4. Trade and transportation.

5. Professional service.

The first class includes all persons engaged in the so-called extractive industries, or those concerned with getting the wealth out of the earth or water; the third class includes those who transform the raw material furnished by the extractive industries into new forms or combinations; the fourth class includes all engaged in giving place or time values to wealth by moving it from a place where it is less needed to a place where it is more needed, or by saving it from a time when it is less needed till a time when it is more needed, while the second and fifth classes include all whose contribution to society is in the form of personal service rather than of goods or of services upon goods. The line of division between these groups or classes is often obscure, and in many individual cases serious difficulties arise regarding the best group to which a person or an occupation should be assigned under the imperfect description found on the schedule.

The population of Porto Rico engaged in gainful occupations was divided among the five groups as shown in the following table, where similar proportions for Cuba and the United States are added.

From this table it appears that the proportion of breadwinners engaged in agriculture in Cuba is nearly 10 per cent higher than in the United States, and in Porto Rico nearly 15 per cent higher than in Cuba. About five-eighths of the breadwinners in Porto Rico were reported as engaged in agriculture. The proportions engaged in personal and domestic service are not widely different in the three regions. The great number of Porto Ricans engaged in agriculture is counterbalanced mainly by relatively much smaller numbers engaged in manufacturing and mechanical pursuits, and also in trade and transportation. The number of persons engaged in professional service in Porto Rico is only one-half what it is in Cuba, as in Cuba it is only one-third what it is in the United States. In the following table the per cent of all breadwinners engaged in each class of occupation is shown by sex for the three countries:

Per cent of breadwinners in the five classes of gainful occupations.

Nearly three-fourths of the male breadwinners in Porto Rico were engaged in agriculture, but not one twenty-fifth of the females. On the other hand, about one-tenth of the males and eight-tenths of the females were engaged in domestic and personal service. Thus these two classes taken together were apparently a complement of each other and included between them nearly five-sixths of all the breadwinners of each sex. As between trade and transportation on the one hand, and manufacturing and mechanical pursuits on the other, the males in Porto Rico were somewhat evenly divided, but of the females nearly four times as many were engaged in manufacturing as in trade and transportation. Comparing the three countries, one notices that the proportion of male breadwinners devoted to agriculture rises from about four-ninths in the United States to nearly three-fourths in Porto Rico, but the number of females devoted to agriculture varies inversely from a minimum of one twenty-fifth in Porto Rico to a maximum of onesixth in the United States. The same is true for the persons of each sex devoted to professional service, and, with one slight exception, for all persons of each sex devoted to trade and transportation. The whole table points to an extremely simple and primitive organization of industry in Porto Rico, wherein manufacturing, trade, transportation, and professional occupations play a very small part. To illustrate this, one may compute from the preceding table the number of persons

among 100 breadwinners in each of the three countries who were engaged in other pursuits than agriculture, fisheries, and mining, or domestic or professional service. In Porto Rico about 17 in 100 breadwinners, in Cuba about 25 in 100, and in the United States (1890) about 40 in 100, were engaged in some form of manufacturing or mechanical pursuits, in trade or transportation, or in professional service.

BREADWINNERS CLASSIFIED BY SPECIFIED OCCUPATIONS.

Table XXV gives the specified occupations of the great majority of breadwinners in Porto Rico. A cursory examination shows that the single occupations are very imperfectly distinguished and that little can be derived from their inspection by one unfamiliar with local conditions. The following table shows the per cent of all breadwinners in each of a few leading occupations:

In these nine specified occupations are included over nine-tenths of the breadwinners of Porto Rico. Of all males in gainful occupations nearly four-fifths (78.8 per cent) are reported simply as laborers. The other leading occupations followed by men, arranged in order of prevalence, are merchants, servants, carpenters, salesmen, agents, operatives in cigar factories, bakers. The leading occupations entered by women in order of prevalence are servant, laundress, dressmaker and seamstress, laborer, merchant, hat and cap maker, teacher, planter, huckster and peddler.

SIZE OF FAMILIES.

[See Table XXXI.]

A family, in the ordinary or popular sense of the word, means a group of persons bound together by ties of kindred. Usually they live together, but this is not necessarily involved in the word, for a married son or daughter occupying a separate house is regarded as still a member of the family. On the other hand, not all persons who live with the family are deemed members, for servants, laborers, or boarders are excluded.

The census finds such a definition of the family inapplicable to its field of work. The test of kindred can not be applied by the enumerator. In many cases families of relatives are dispersed through the 8490-00-7

community, returns about them come through different enumerators, and their names and the facts about them can not be assembled on the schedules or tabulated together. Accordingly in this field, as in several others, the census is forced to abandon the effort to bring together data that belong together, and to confine itself to the simpler and more practicable task of tabulating together data that are found by the enumerators conjoined. The census test of a family is not kinship by blood, but association in home life. Persons living in the same home are, for census purposes, members of the same family.

In census usage, therefore, the word "family" means the group of people, whether related by blood or not, who share a common dwelling and table. If one person sleeps and eats alone, he constitutes for census purposes a family. On the other hand, if a large group of people sleep and eat in a common dwelling, like a hotel or convent, they make up a single census family. Census families, therefore, may be divided into two classes-natural families, or families in the popular sense of that word, and "other families." Members of a natural family are bound together primarily by ties of kindred. Members of other families are bound together primarily by other motives, usually of an economic character. The latter may, perhaps, without great violence to the facts, be called economic families. These two classes of motives may and often do coexist, but the family should be classed with natural families or with economic families according to the class of motives which is primary. For example, a family having only one boarder should doubtless be grouped with natural families, but a family in which the boarders largely outnumber the blood relatives should be grouped with economic families.

The limits of size are much wider in the economic family than in the natural family. The economic family may consist of one person living alone, of two partners living together at their place of business, of three or more boarders living with a housekeeper, or of hundreds of guests, nuns, or prisoners living together in a hotel, convent, or prison. On the basis of number of members alone no sharp line can be drawn between natural families and economic families. Still, the only classification of census families presented in Table XXXI is that by size, and on this basis, therefore, an attempt may perhaps be ventured to divide census families into two classes, one of which should consist mainly of natural families and the other mainly of economic families.

As a natural family can not be composed of a single member, the lower limit of size for a natural family may be drawn with confidence between two members and one. The higher limit is more vague and uncertain. Yet it seems that if all families of more than ten persons are grouped as economic families, a large proportion, if not a majority, of the persons in them might be assumed to be living apart from their kindred-that is, as farm laborers in their employer's family, or as boarders, lodgers, or residents of hotels, schools, prisons, or other