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ing a provisional government in Peru. You will, as far as you can do so with propriety, and without officious intrusion, approve and encourage this disposition on the part of the Chilian Government, and this department will be exceedingly gratified if your influence, as the representative of the United States, shall be instrumental in inducing the Government of Chili to give its aid and support to the restoration of regular constitutional government in Peru, and to postpone the settlement of all questions of territorial annexation to the diplomatic negotiations which can then be resumed with the certainty of a just, friendly, and satisfactory conclusion.

In any representation which you may make you will say that the hope of the United States is that the negotiations for peace shall be conducted and the final Bettlement between the two countries determined without either side invoking the aid or intervention of any European power. The Government of the United States seeks only to perform the office of a friend to all the parties in this unhappy conflict between South American republics, and it will regret to be compelled to consider how far that feeling might be affected, and a more active interposition forced upon it by any attempted complication of this question with European politics. If at any time you shall judge it expedient and advantageous to read this dispatch to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, you are authorized to do so. The decision on this point is left to your discretion.

JAMES G. BLAINE.

In his annual message to Congress, President Arthur spoke of our relations with the west coast republics in the following terms:

This Government sees, with great concern, the continuance of the hostile relations between Chili, Bolivia, and Peru. An early peace between these republics is much to be desired, not only that they themselves may be spared further misery and bloodshed, but because their continued antagonism threatens consequences which are, in my judgment, dangerous to the interests of republican government on this continent, and calculated to destroy the best elements of our free and peaceful civilization. As in the present excited condition of popular feeling in these countries there has been serious misapprehension of the position of the United States, and as separate diplomatic intercourse with each through independent ministers is sometimes subject, owing to the want of prompt reciprocal communication, to temporary misunderstanding I have deemed it judicious at the present time to send a special envoy, accredited to all and each of them, and furnished with general instructions, which will, trust, enable him to bring these powers' into friendly

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plicit, and as this department is in the possession of no information which would seem to require the withdrawal of the confidence reposed in you, sider this interpretation of your words and acts as the result of some strange and perhaps prejudiced misconception. My only material for forming an opinion consists of your memorandum to Admiral Lynch, your letter to Señor Garcia, the secretary of General Piérola, and the convention with President Calderon, ceding a naval station to the United States. I would have preferred that you should hold no communication with Admiral Lynch on questions of a diplomatic character. He was present as a military commander of Chilian forces, and you were accredited to Peru. Nor do I conceive that Admiral Lynch, as the commander of the Chilian army of occupation, had any right to ask or receive any formal assurance from you as to the opinions of your Government. The United States was represented in Chili by a properly accredited minister, and from his own Government the admiral could and ought to have received any information which it was important for him to have. It was to be expected, and even desired, that frank and friendly relations should exist between you; but I can not consider such confidential communication as justifying a formal appeal to your colleague in Chili for the correction or criticism of your conduct. If there was anything in your proceedings in Peru to which the Government of Chili could properly take exception, a direct representation to this Government through the Chilian Minister here was due both to the Government and to yourself.

Having said this, I must add that the language of the memorandum was capable of not unnatural misconstruction. While you said nothing that may not fairly be considered warranted by your instructions, you omitted to say with equal emphasis some things which your instructions supplied, and which would, perhaps, have relieved the sensitive apprehensions of the Chilian authorities. For, while the United States would unquestionably "regard with disfavor" the imperious annexation of Peruvian territory as the right of conquest, you were distinctly informed that this Government could not refuse to recognize that such annexation might become a necessary condition And the main purpose of in a final treaty of peace. your effort was expected to be, not so much a protest against any possible annexation as an attempt by lian authorities (with whom you were daily associated) friendly but unofficial communications with the Chito induce them to support the policy of giving to Peru, without the imposition of harsh and absolute conditions precedent, the opportunity to show that the rights and interests of Chili could be satisfied without such annexation. There is enough in your memorandum, if carefully considered, to indicate this purpose, and I only regret that you did not state it with a distinctness and, if necessary, with a repetition which would have made impossible anything but the most willful misconception.

As at present advised. I must express disapproval of your letter to Señor Garcia, the secretary of General Piérola. I think that your proper course in reference to Garcia's communication would have been either entirely to ignore it as claiming an official character which you could not recognize, or, if you deemed that courtesy required a reply, to state that you were accredited to the Calderon Government, and could, tion which General Piérola thought it his duty or intherefore, know no other, and that any communicaterest to make inust be made directly to the Government at Washington. You had no responsibility in the matter, and it was injudicious to assume any. The recognition of the Calderon Government had been duly considered and decided by your own Government, and you were neither instructed nor expected to furnish General Piérola or the Peruvian public with the reasons for that action. The following language in your letter to Señor Garcia might be misunderstood: "Chili desires and asks for Tara

paca, and will recognize the Government which agrees to its session. The Calderon Government will not cede it. It remains to be seen whether that of Piérola will prove more pliable." It might easily be supposed, by an excited public opinion on either side, that such language was intended to imply that the Government of the United States had recognized the Government of Calderon because of its resolution not to cede Peruvian territory. No such motive has ever been declared by this Government. The Government of Calderon was recognized because we believed it to be to the interest of both Chili and Peru that some respectable authority should be established which could restore internal order and initiate responsible negotiations for peace. We desired that the Peruvian Government should have a fair opportunity to obtain the best terms it could, and hoped that it would be able to satisfy the just demands of Chili without the painful sacrifice of the national territory. But we did not make, and never intended to make, any special result of the peace negotiations the basis of our recognition of the Calderon Government. What was best and what was possible for Peru to do we were anxious to the extent of our powers to aid her in doing by the use of whatever influence or consideration we enjoyed with Chili; further than that the Government of the United States has as yet expressed neither opinion nor intention.

I must also express the dissatisfaction of the depart ment at your telegram to the Minister of the United States near the Argentine Confederation, suggesting that a Minister be sent by that Government to Peru. This would have been clearly without the sphere of your proper official action at any time, but, as there then existed a serious difference between Chili and the Argentine Confederation, you might naturally have anticipated that such a recommendation would be considered by Chili as an effort to effect a political combination against her. The United States was not in search of alliances to support a hostile demonstration against Chili, and such an anxiety might well be deemed inconsistent with the professions of an impartial mediation.

As to the convention with regard to a naval station in the Bay of Chimbole, I am of opinion that, although it is a desirable arrangement, the time is not opportune. I would be very unwilling to ask such a concession under circumstances which would almost seem to impose upon Peru the necessity of compliance with our request; and I have no doubt that, whenever Peru is relieved from present embarrassment, she would cheerfully grant any facilities which our naval or commercial interests may require. Nor, in the present excited condition of public opinion in Chili, would I be willing to afford evil-disposed persons the opportunity to intimate that the United States contemplated the establishment of a naval rendezvous in the neighborhood of either Peru or Chili. The very natural and innocent convenience which we require might be misunderstood or misapprehended; and, as our sole purpose is to be allowed, in a spirit of the most impartial friendship, to act as mediator between these two powers, I would prefer, at present, to ask no favors of the one, and to excite no possible apprehensions in the other.

Having thus stated with frankness the impression made upon the department by such information as you have furnished it, it becomes my duty to add that this Government is unable to understand the abolition of the Calderon Government, and the arrest of President Calderon himself, by the Chilian authorities, or, I suppose I ought to say, by the Chilian Government, as the Secretary for Foreign Affairs of that Government has, in a formal communication to Mr. Kilpatrick, declared that the Calderon Government "was at an end." As we recognized that Government, in supposed conformity with the wishes of Chili, and as no reason for its destruction has been given us, you will still consider yourself accredited to it, if any legitimate representative exists in the place of President

Calderon. If none such exists, you will remain in Lima until you receive further instructions, confining your communications with the Chilian authorities to such limits as your personal convenience and the maintenance of the rights and privileges of your legation may require.

The complicated condition of affairs resulting from the action of the Chilian Government, the time required for communication between the legations in Chili and Peru and this department, and the unfortunate notoriety which the serious differences between yourself and your colleague in Chili have attracted, have, in the opinion of the President, imposed upon him the necessity of a special mission. This mission will be charged with the duty of expressing the views of the President upon the grave condition of affairs which your dispatches describe, and, if possible, with due consideration of the rights, interests, and responsibilities of both nations, to promote a settlement which shall restore to the suffering people of Peru the benefits of a well-ordered government, deliver both countries from the miseries and burdens of a protracted war, and place their future relations upon a foundation that will prove stable, because just and honorable. I am, sir, your obedient servant,

II.

JAMES G. BLAINE.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, November 22, 1881. Judson Kilpatrick, Esq., etc., Santiago.

SIR: Your dispatch, No. 8, conveying a copy of your reply to Señor Balmaseda has been received. The communication to which it was a reply should have accompanied it, in order that the department could properly judge of your answer. Your letter is not approved by the department. You had had ample opportunity, and, as you have before stated, availed yourself of it, to make known to the Government of Chili the scope of your instructions, and to give it abundant assurance of the friendly disposition of your own Government. If the conduct of Mr. Hurlbut in Peru had given sufficient ground for complaint to the Chilian Government, that complaint should have been made in Washington. Mr. Hurlbut's presentation speech to President Calderon, his memorandum to Admiral Lynch, his letter to Garcia, and telegraphic reports from Buenos Ayres, were not subjects upon which you were called to pass judgment, nor upon which you should have been interrogated by the Chilian Government. Nothing in your conduct or language had excited its apprehensions, and no explanation was due, or could have been expected from you, of the language or conduct of your colleague in Peru. I should have been glad if it had occurred to you to call the attention of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to the impropriety of such a communication, and in referring to the fact that your instructions, which you were authorized to communicate to him, gave all the assurance which he could either desire or ask of the friendly feeling of the United States. I should have much preferred that you had furnished him with a copy of those instructions, instead of submitting a paraphrase which does not fully represent their spirit and meaning. Indeed, I find it difficult to understand how the Chilian Government could have been under any misapprehension as to the disposition or purpose of the United States, when the instructions both to yourself and to Mr. Hurlbut had, in fact, been already frankly communicated-the former, according to your dispatch No. 3, to the outgoing Administration; and the latter, by this department to Mr. Martinez, the representative of the present Government in Washington. It is still more difficult to understand the abolition of the Calderon Government, and the arrest of the President himself, in the face of your assurance, in your dispatch No. 3, where you quote the following as having been addressed to you by Señor Valderana, to wit: You are, therefore, authorized to say to your Government that every effort will be given

by Chili to strengthen the Government of President Calderon, giving to it the most perfect freedom of action considering the Chilian occupation; that no question of territorial annexation will be touched until a constitutional government can be established in Peru, acknowledged and respected by the people, with full powers to enter into diplomatic negotiations for peace." And it would only have been natural if you had asked, for the information of your Government, if not for your own, for what reasons and by what means the Calderon Government had, as Señor Balmaseda informed you," come to an end." The President has learned, with great regret, of the arrest and removal of President Calderon; but, in the present state of his information, he will not undertake to measure its significance. He hopes that he will, when the facts are better known, be relieved from the painful impression that it was intended as a rebuke to the friendly disposition of the United States. . . . You will inform the Chilian Government that a special envoy will be immediately sent; and you will assure that Government that he will come in the spirit of impartial friendship, anxious to learn that recent occurrences have not been intended to disturb the long-continued friendly relations existing between us; and instructed by the President to lay before the Chilian Government frankly, but with a scrupulous consideration for the rights and interests of that Government, the views which he holds upon the deplorable condition of affairs in South America, a condition now fast assuming proportions which make its settlement a matter of concern to all the republics of the continent. He sincerely hopes that no other action of that Government will tend to further complicate existing difficulties before the arrival of that special envoy.

JAMES G. BLAINE.

It was on Sunday, November 6th, that President Calderon was arrested by General Lynch's orders, and taken on board the Chilian frigate Cochran, in the harbor of Callao. A few days later, while Vice-President Montevo was actively asserting his claims to the supreme power, Minister Hurlbut issued the following declaration:

To the Notables of Lima.

GENTLEMEN: At your request I make the following declaration:

1. The United States of America are firmly in favor of the cessation of hostilities between Chili and Peru, and the prompt re-establishment of peace.

2. The United States of America decidedly oppose all dismemberment of Peru, except with the free and full consent of the nation.

3. They are of opinion that Chili has acquired, as the result of the war, the right to a war indemnity, and that Peru can not refuse such payment.

The Government of Chili knows that these are the ideas of the United States; but the divisions which exist in Peru paralyze the good offices of the United States, and give a pretext to Chili to clude the action of the United States in conformity with our desires, and to prolong the state of war and the military occupation of Peru. Chili says, "We also desire peace, but there is no one here competent to arrange it." This declaration is, unfortunately, true. For this state of affairs, the only remedy is to be found in Peru itself.

Union, under whomsoever may be elected, will destroy the pretext of Chili, and give to the United States an advantage which they require, and of which they will know how to take advantage.

In my opinion, nothing else will save the country from an indefinite military occupation by Chili.

Peru must save itself, by the sacrifice of personal ambitions on the altar of the redemption of the country. S. A. HURLBUT.

On the 26th day of January, 1882, the President sent to Congress the diplomatic correspondence concerning Peru, Chili, and Bolivia, for a period of several years. The following are the more important dispatches. On December 1, 1881, Mr. Blaine wrote the following instructions to Special Envoy Trescot, of South Carolina, who sailed from New York for Panama on December 3d, accompanied by Mr. Walker Blaine:

SIR: While the circumstances under which the President has deemed it proper to charge you with a special mission to the Republics of Chili, Peru, and Bolivia render it necessary that very much must be confided to your discretion, it is desirable that you should be placed in full possession of his views as to the general line of conduct which you will be expected to pursue. For this purpose it is not necessary at present to go further back in the history of the unfortunate relations between Chili on the one hand and Peru and Bolivia on the other than the time when the defeat of General Piérola, his abandonment of the capital and the coast, and their occupation by the Chilian army, seem to have put an end to all responsible native government in Peru. Lima, having been surrendered January 19, 1881, Piérola driven across the mountains, the Chilían military occupation consolidated, and the Chilian Government refusing to recognize Piérola as representing the Government of Peru, it became absolutely necessary that some government should be established if Peru was not to remain simply a military district of Chili. On February 25, 1881, Mr. Christiancy, the United States Minister at Lima, wrote this department as follows:

"A movement has therefore been initiated among encouraged by the Chilian authorities, to establish a some of the leading citizens of Lima and Callao, and new government in opposition to that of Piérola (who is still at Tacna or Yarija).”

From this date, Mr. Christiancy kept the department informed of the probabilities of the establishment of the Calderon Government, so called from the name of the eminent Peruvian statesman who had been chosen as President. On May 9, 1881, instructions had been sent to him from the department, in

which he was told:

"If the Calderon Government is supported by the character and intelligence of Peru, and is really endeavoring to restore constitutional government, with a view both to order within and negotiation with Chili for peace, you may recognize it as the existing provisional government and render what aid you can by advice and good offices to that end."

Acting under these instructions, although with some expressed doubt as to the probable permanence of its existence, Mr. Christiancy, on June 26, 1881, formally recognized the Calderon Government. It is clear that this recognition was not an unfriendly intervention as far as the wishes and interests of Chili were concerned.

In giving the support of recognition to the Calderon Government, therefore, so far was this Government from doing what could be considered an unfriendly act to Chili, that it was, in fact, giving its aid to the very policy which Chili avowed, and which, in the opinion of competent judges, was the only method of reasonable solution. And this conclusion of the Government was strengthened and confirmed by the information which was transmitted to the department by General Kilpatrick, the United States Minister to Chili. General Kilpatrick was appointed after the recognition of the Calderon Government, and was furnished with the instructions to which I have already referred. In his dispatch, under date of August 15, 1881, he quotes the following as the final assurances given to him by the Chilian Secretary of State:

"You may say to your Government that every

effort would be given by Chili to strengthen the Government of President Calderon, giving to it the most perfect freedom of action, considering the Chilian occupations; that no question of Chilian annexation would be touched until a constitutional government could be established in Peru, acknowledged and respected by the people, with full power to enter into negotiations for peace; that no territory would be exacted unless Chili failed to secure ample and just indemnification in other and satisfactory ways, as also ample security for the future, and that in no case would Chili exact territory, save where Chilian enterprise and Chilian capital had developed the desert, and where to-day nine tenths of the people are Chili

ans."

But after this recognition, made in entire good faith to both parties, three things followed: 1. The presence of a United States Minister at Lima accredited to the Calderon Government, and the reception in Washington of a Minister from that Government gave it unquestionable, increased strength and confidence. 2. The adherents of Piérola, realizing the necessity of peace and the existence of a stable government to negotiate it, gradually abandoned the forlorn hope of continued resistance, and gave their adhesion to the Calderon Government. 3. The Congress which assembled in the neutral zone set apart for that purpose by the Chilian authorities, and which was further allowed by the Chilian Government to provide for the military impositions by the use of the national credit, and thus recognized as the representatives of the Peruvian people, authorized President Calderon to negotiate a peace, but upon condition that no territory should be ceded. As soon as these facts indicated the possibility of a real and independent vitality in the constitution of the Calderon Government, the Chilian military authorities issued an order forbidding any exercise of its functions within the territory west of the mountains, including the capital and ports of Peru. Unable to understand this sudden and giving due regard to the professions of Chili-this unaccountable change of policy, this Government instructed its Minister at Lima to continue to recognize the Calderon Government until more complete information would enable it to send further instructions. If our present information is correct, immediately on the receipt of this communication they arrested President Calderon, and thus, as far as was in their power, extinguished his government. The President does not now insist on the inference which this action would warrant. He hopes that there is some explanation which will relieve him from the painful impression that it was taken in resentful reply to the continued recognition of the Calderon Government by the United States. If, unfortunately, he should be mistaken, and such a motive be avowed, your duty will be a brief one.

You will say to the Chilian Government that the President considers such a proceeding as an intentional, unwarranted offense, and that you will communicate such an avowal to the Government of the United States, with the assurance that it will be regarded by the Government as an act of such unfriendly import as to require the immediate suspension of all diplomatic intercourse. You will inform me immediately of the happening of such a contingency, and instructions will be sent to you. But I do not anticipate such an occurrence from the information before the department of which you are possessed. It is more probable that that course will be explained by an allegation that the conduct and language of the United States Minister in Peru had encouraged the Calderon Government to such resistance of the wishes of Chili as to render the negotiation of a satisfactory treaty of peace with the Calderon Government impossible. Any explanation which relieves the action of the Chilian Government of the character of an intentional offense will be received by you to that extent, provided it does not require as a condition precedent the disavowal of Mr. Hurlbut.

Whatever may be my opinion as to the discretion of all that may have been said or done by Mr. Hurlbut, it is impossible for me to recognize the right of the Chilian Government to take such action without submitting to the consideration of this Government any cause of complaint which it was prepared to allege against the proceedings of the representative of the United States. The Chilian Government was in possession of the instructions sent to that Minister, as well as those to his colleague at Santiago; there was no pretense that the conduct of General Kilpatrick was anything but friendly; Chili was represented here by a Minister who enjoyed the confidence of his Government, and nothing can justify the assumption that the United States was acting a double part in its relations to the two countries. If the conduct of the United States Minister seemed inconsistent with what Chili had every reason to know was the friendly intention of the United States, a courteous representation through the Chilian Minister here would have enabled this Government promptly to correct or confirm him. You are not, therefore, authorized to make to the Chilian Government any explanation of the conduct of General Hurlbut, if that Government, not having afforded us the opportunity of accepting or disavowing his conduct, insists upon making its interpretation of his proceedings the justification of its recent action.

It is hoped, however, that you will be able, by communication at once firm and temperate, to avoid these embarrassments. If you should fortunately reach the ground where frank mutual explanation can be made without the sacrifice of that respect which every gov ernment owes to itself, you will then be at liberty, conforming your explanation to the recent instruction to Mr. Hurlbut, with a copy of which you are furnished, to show to the Government of Chili how much both his words and acts have been misconceived. It is difficult for me to say now how far an explanation would be satisfactory to the President which was not accompanied by the restoration or recognition of the Calderon Government. The objects which he has at heart are first to prevent the misery, confusion, and bloodshed which the present relations between Chili and Peru seem only too certain to renew; and, second, to take care that in any friendly attempt to reach this desirable end the Government of the United States is treated with the respectful consideration to which its disinterested purposes, its legitimate influence, and its established position entitle it. The President feels in this matter neither irritation nor resentment. He regrets that Chili seems to have misconceived both the spirit and intention of the Government of the United States, and thinks her conduct has been inconsiderate. He will gladly learn that a calmer and wiser judgment directs her counsels, and asks in no exacting spirit the correction of what were perhaps natural misunderstandings. So he would be satisfied with the manifestation of a sincere purpose on the part of Chili to aid Peru either in restoring the present Provisional Government, or establishing in its place one which will be allowed the proper freedom of action necessary to restore internal order, and to conduct a real negotiation to some substantial result.

Should the Chilian Government, while disclaiming any intention of offense, maintain its right to settle its difficulties with Peru without the friendly intervention of other powers, and refuse to allow the formation of any government in Peru which does not pledge to consent to the cession of Peruvian territory, it will be your duty, in language as strong as is consistent with the respect due an independent power, to express the disappointment and dissatisfaction felt by the United States at such a deplorable policy. You will say that this Government recognizes without reserve the right of Chili to adequate indemnity for the cost of war, and a sufficient guarantee that it will not again be subjected to hostile demonstration from Peru; and, further, that if Peru is unable or unwilling to furnish such indemnity, the right of conquest has put it in the

power of Chili to supply them, and the reasonable exercise of that right, however much its necessity may be regretted, is not ground of legitimate complaint on the part of other powers.

But this Government feels that the exercise of the right of absolute conquest is dangerous to the best interests of all the republics of this continent; that from it are certain to spring other wars and political disturbances, and that it imposes even upon the conqueror burdens which are scarcely compensated by the apparent increase of strength which it gives. This Government also holds that between two independent nations, hostilities do not, from the mere existence of war, confer the right of conquest until the failure to furnish the indeninity and guarantee which can be rightfully demanded. The United States maintains, therefore, that Peru has the right to demand that an opportunity should be allowed her to find such indemnity and guarantee. Nor can this Government admit that a cession of territory can be properly exacted far exceeding in value the amplest estimate of a reasonable indemnity. Already, by force of its occupation, the Chilian Government has collected great sums from Peru, and it has been openly and officially asserted in the Chilian Congress that these military impositions have furnished a surplus beyond the cost of maintaining its armies in that occupation. The annexation of Tarapaca, which, under proper administration, would produce annually a sum sufficient to pay a large indemnity, seems to us to be not consistent with the execution of justice.

The practical prohibition of the formation of a stable Government in Peru, and the absolute appropriation of its most valuable territory, is simply the extinction of a state which has formed part of the system of republics on this continent, honorable in the traditions and illustrations of its past history, and rich in the resources for future progress. The United States, with which Peru has for many years maintained the most cordial relations, has the right to feel and express a deep interest in its distressed condition, and while, with equal friendliness to Chili, we will not interpose to deprive her of the fair advantages of military success, nor put any obstacle to the attainment of future security, we can not regard with unconcern the destruction of Peruvian nationality. If our good offices are rejected, and this policy of the disruption of an independent state be persisted in, this Government will consider itself discharged from any further obligation to be influenced in its action by the position which Chili has assumed, and will hold itself free to appeal to the other republics of this continent to join it in an effort to avert consequences which can not be confined to Chili and Peru, but which threaten with extremest danger the political institutions, the peaceful progress, and the liberal civilization of all

America.

If, however, none of these embarrassing obstacles intervene, and Chili receives in a friendly spirit the representatives of the United States, it will be your purpose, first, to concert such measures as will enable Peru to establish a regular government and initiate negotiations; second, to induce Chili to consent to such negotiations without cession of territory as a condition precedent; third, to impress upon Chili that in such negotiations she ought to allow Peru a fair opportunity to provide for a reasonable indemnity, and in this connection to let it be understood that the United States would consider the imposition of an extravagant indemnity, so as to make the cession of territory necessary in satisfaction, as more than is justified by the actual cost of war and as a solution threatening renewed difficulties between the two countries. As it is possible that some time will elapse before the completion of all arrangements necessary for a final negotiation, this Government would suggest a temporary convention, which, representing the spirit of our friendly representations, would bring Peru and Chili into amicable conference and provide for a meeting of plenipotentiaries to negotiate a per

manent treaty of peace. If negotiations be assured, the ability of Peru to furnish the indemnity will be a matter of direct interest. On this subject we have no information upon which definite instructions can now be based. While you will carefully abstain from any interposition in this connection, you will examine and report to the department promptly any plans which may be suggested. You will not indicate any wish that the Government of the United States shall act as umpire in the adjudication between the contending powers. Should an invitation to that effect be extended, you will communicate by telegraph for instructions. The single and simple desire of this Government is to see a just and honorable peace at the earliest day practicable, and if any other American Government can more effectively aid in producing this auspicious result, the United States will cordially sustain it, and lend such co-operation as the circumistances may demand. I am, etc., JAMES G. BLAINE.

Minister Kilpatrick wrote to Secretary Blaine under date of Santiago, December 2, 1881, stating that the Chilian Government had promised that it would not demand a cession of territory as an absolute condition of peace, and that it would endeavor to build up and strengthen the Calderon Government in Peru. These promises, General Kilpatrick intimated, would have been fulfilled but for the representations made by Minister Hurlbut of the attitude of the United States and bad faith on the part of Calderon. The coming of the special mission, it is stated, creates considerable excitement in Chili, and the alleged support by the United States of the Peruvian Company scheme greatly intensifies it. On December 2, 1881, Secretary Blaine wrote as follows to Mr. Trescot :

SIR: It is not impossible that before the close of the special mission, instructions for which have been already furnished you, it may be deemed advisable that, at its close, you should return to the United States by way of the Argentine Confederation and Brazil. Positive instructions may be sent you to this effect before your mission closes, but at present my purpose is to advise you of such possible contingency, and to add that, if at the close of the special mission you should decide that a return home by the way of Buenos Ayres and Rio de Janeiro was advisable, you are hereby authorized, without waiting for such instructions, to return home by that way. Should you do so, you will, in your communications with the representatives of the Governments of Brazil and the Argentine Confederation, impress upon them the advantages which would result from a full and frank conference between all the republics of North and South America. By the time you can reach these points the opinions of this Government on this subject will have been formally submitted to them, and you will have the opportunity to enforce these views, and to direct their attention to the importance of the proposed congress. If you will telegraph the probable time of your arrival at Buenos Ayres, a vessel of the United States will meet you at that place.

On January 3, 1882, Secretary Frelinghuysen instructed Mr. Trescot by telegraph to exert his influence pacifically, and to avoid all issues which might lead to his withdrawing from his post in Chili.

On the next day (January 4th) the Secretary telegraphed to Mr. Trescot that it was the wish of the President that our friendly offices should be extended impartially to both republics (Chili and Peru); that a pacific influence should be exerted, and every issue which might lead to

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