to require 15,000,000 days of compulsory service upon works of indisputable public utility. At first a regulation was made, allowing the Fellahs to purchase release from personal service by the payment of a sum of money; but the law was changed so as to require every one to furnish a substitute before he can secure his discharge, since it was found that the indemnity fee was paid by all the Fellahs, and labor could not be hired.

The education of the people, a matter which has hitherto been sadly neglected, has been taken hold of, and a commission appointed for the elaboration of a plan of reform. The first decision arrived at has been put into execution by the establishment of a normal school.

The Khedive himself, who was made a poor man by the surrender of his estates in 1877, makes but a modest demand on the public revenues, the civil list assigned him being only $500,000 in amount. The family connections are more exacting, absorbing $1,100,000, including the ex-Khedive's allowance. The National Debt Office is a burdensome appendage, costing $250,000 a year in high salaries paid to the European officials. The two chiefs receive $20,000 each. Expensive foreign functionaries are attached also to the Railway, Domain, and Daira Departments. The payment of high salaries to international assistants has had the result of securing to the ministers an increase in their salaries of from $7,500 to $15,000.

The cost of the army is $1,850,000 a year, of the navy $300,000. The army numbered, at the time of the financial report, 13,500 officers and men, and the navy not quite 11,500. The pay of the soldiers was complained of as insufficient, that of the officers averaging about $500 a year, and that of the men barely $50.

A decree, dated March 30th, created a National Board of Education, on the French model. It possesses extensive powers, and is the supreme authority in educational matters. The Minister of Public Instruction is the president of the board. The amount assigned for purposes of public instruction in 1881 was $405,000. In the elementary education of the people there has not even a beginning been made yet. Of the above appropriation $50,000 was set aside for the new organization of education; $40,000 was assigned for the new normal school; an equal sum is spent on the education of young men in France, and various Government schools for law, technical instruction, medicine, languages, etc., consume the remainder..

The prison management, police, and quarantine systems in Egypt are very defective, but they have the advantage of being inexpensive. A curious item in the budget provides $450,000 for protecting and feeding the pilgrims to Mecca, and to encourage the great annual pilgrimage. The mixed tribunals cost over $750,000 a year. The native courts of justice cost, with their host of functionaries, less than

one third as much, but their administration of justice is of the worst description. The sum set aside for the year to meet the expenses of the new judicial organization which is projected is only $45,000. The nominal amount appropriated for public works is $2,250,000. Of this, $250,000 was for the protection of the country against floods, $500,000 for the maintenance of the great arterial canals called the Mahmoudieh, the Katatbeh, the Ibrahimieh, and the Ismailieh. The maintenance of the Cairo Theatre, the Boulak Museum, and other expenses which are otherwise classed in most countries, are included in the budget for public works.

The exceedingly primitive and scanty needs. of the people explain the facility with which the extraordinary demands for the liquidation of the debt are met. The food, clothing, and houses of the Fellah cost next to nothing. He very seldom indulges in the only luxury of his class, that of keeping two wives. His savings are put in jewelry, which he converts into money again in hard times. The Nile fails the agriculturists, and a bad harvest occurs, on an average once in every five years. Since the present management began, a marked improveinent in the houses and the whole standard of comfort of the Fallaheen has been observed.

The improvement in the credit of Egypt through the successful operation of the liquidation arrangement was the cause of a sudden expansion of business and a large influx of foreign capital. Companies were established for land cultivation, for lending on mortgage, for building purposes, for sugar-refining, for water-supply, and many other purposes. The interest on money fell, and the price of land rose in many places 300 per cent. Irrigationpumps and agricultural machinery were imported on a large scale; the importations of these things were 30 per cent greater in 1880 than the year before, and in 1881 showed a still larger increase. The largest part of the new capital embarked in Egypt has come from France.

Counterfeiting frauds, which had been practiced on a large scale for ten years, were discovered in the spring. The headquarters of the coiners were at Geneva and Marseilles. Factories in Switzerland were engaged in turning out millions of piasters-a small, thin coin of the value of five cents-containing 30 per cent less silver than the standard. False Papal francs and small Egyptian and Turkish gold coins were also imported by the criminal organization, which included several persons of position. As much as $1,500,000 of base money was supposed to be in circulation.

Although the Egyptian dominions cover an area almost as great as Russia in Europe, the lower Nile valley and the delta, which furnish the whole of the revenues with which the Government is supported and the national debt paid, are about the size of Belgium. The rest of the huge empire is a financial drain upon the

resources of the country. In former times the Soodan was the nursery of soldiers and slaves for Egypt. The efforts for the suppression of the slave-traffic, if they are still continued in earnest, are not successful; for gangs are still driven by slavers to the coast. In the sea board provinces of the Red Sea the Egyptian rule is only nominal a day's march from the coast. The interminable war with Abyssinia has returned no benefits. With the exception of Suakin and a couple of other small ports, the whole of the equatorial provinces are a burden upon the country. The abolition of slavery would probably lead to the gradual commercial development of Upper Egypt. The Khedive is said to be desirous of abolition. But it can only be accomplished by the strong arm, and for that he has not the means, unless his international monitors lend him material assistance.

The situation of Egypt under the present system of international control is not a natural one. If the people had been of a less docile and peaceable nature, and the ruler and political leaders less self-restrained, this system of a foreign directory could not have been imposed without resistance. The establishment of the mixed tribunals by Ismail Pasha ingrafted the principle of foreign interference in the constitution of the country, and these institutions of his own creation became the agents of his downfall. The constitutional issue of the debt crisis was the enforcement, over the Egyptian Government itself, by the foreign governments, which had before 1875 exercised consular jurisdiction, of the principle of the right of jurisdiction of the mixed tribunals that had succeeded the consular courts. The supervision of the entire administration, the management of the finances, and the practical control of all the departments, was at the same time transferred at the dictation of foreign Governments to the international agents of the bond-holders, who were appointed by the intervening powers. France and England chose the two joint comptrollers, and the same powers with Austria and Italy the four commissioners of the public debt. The comptrollers can only be removed by their own governments. They are given full powers of investigation into all branches of the administration. They may attend the meetings of the Council of Ministers, and express an opinion on any public measure. The administration of Riaz Pasha, which was likewise the creature of the intervening powers, followed all the suggestions of the comptrollers, and they themselves have exercised their powers of supreme control in mutual harmony. Since Colvin succeeded Major Baring as the English comptroller, De Blignières has, by virtue of his seniority and longer experience, taken the lead in the management. French and English officials have been at the head of all the important administrations. Besides the control and public debt offices and the judges of the international courts, the cus

toms, the railways, the telegraphs, the harbors of Alexandria and of the Suez Canal ports, the coast-guard, the light-houses, the postoffice, the finance department of the Government, the public works, and the administration of the Domain and Daira lands, are all directed by executive officers of one or the other of those nationalities. The subordinate positions in all the offices are divided between natives and Frenchmen. Through the selection of able and hard-working officials, the French have gained a stronger footing in the administrations than the English. The reforms inaugurated by the initiative of the comptrollers have worked well, and the foreign experts who have been intrusted with the administrative control of the government offices have for the most part performed their duties faithfully and capably. The very success of the foreign administrators in extricating the country from the financial quicksand into which it had fallen, in organizing the general administration of the government and bringing it into working order, and in creating confidence in the future of the country and attracting capital and skill from abroad, hastened the period when native and religious prejudices would come to the surface. Egyptians naturally chafed to see the government of their country taken out of their hands, and all the important posts filled by aliens. The sooner the new system began to work well, the more impatient they were of the government by foreigners. This abnormal situation was the more irksome, from the circumstance that the foreign officials receive salaries which would be enormous in any country, but which are unheard of in Egypt.

The Khedive gave his countenance and support to the administrative reforms. He is fully conscious of the lack of technical attainments and executive ability on the part of his countrymen, and welcomes the aid of the European administrators. He is satisfied that their efforts are working for the best good of his people. He is willing to wait for the plans which his European counselors have in view for the material improvement and intellectual elevation of the Egyptian people, to be matured and to work out their gradual results. He is gratified at the progress which has already been made in that direction, and desires that his people should be schooled in the methods which are being put in practice. But, friend of progress as he is, he is intensely patriotic and thoroughly Egyptian in his feelings, and is also an earnest and devout Mohammedan. He brooks with impatience the position of political effacement in which the circumstances of his succession have placed him, and looks hopefully for a time when he will be more of a ruler in his own land, surrounded by advisers and officers chosen from among his own people. Tevfik was, therefore, on his guard against the development of foreign interests in Egypt, except those which depended on the acknowledged international obligations of the

country, and such commercial enterprises as he deemed conducive to the prosperity and progress of his people.

Industrial and commercial enterprises of all kinds have been welcomed. But the Khedive, whose authorization is necessary before any corporation can be established, has firmly set his face against the acquisition of lands by foreign agricultural companies. In this he has been seconded by the comptrollers.

Egypt has become, in the way explained above, the ward of the Christian powers. There are fourteen governments that claim the right of intervention which England and France have exercised as trustees for the rest. England and France, though acting thus far in harmony, are the chief rivals for the reversion of this part of the Ottoman Empire. Turkey was allowed to take advantage of the situation, to strengthen her hold on Egypt. By the firman of 1879, which confirmed Tevfik on the throne, the Sultan annulled the practical independence which Ismail had purchased at an enormous price, and reasserted his sovereignty in principle by depriving the Khedive of the power of contracting foreign loans and that of indefinitely increasing the army. The limit to which the military establishment is restricted is 18,000 men. Germany, Austria, and Italy do not let the claims of either England or France pass unchallenged. They are seeking to extend their prestige in Egypt. They may cry "Stop!" by their united voice in the European concert, to the aggressions of either of the rivals. The French are the most firmly seated in Egypt; they have done the most for the country, and now exploit it as a commercial dependency, while English mercantile interests in Egypt are waning at present. Yet the old boast that the Mediterranean will become "a French lake" is not now uttered openly. The recent extension of French dominion on the northern coast of Africa has not only awakened the distrust of the English, but has caused serious alarm in Egypt. Great Britain, since the construction of the Suez Canal, claims Egypt as her own property by the right of the stronger, and is prepared to occupy and hold the country with her whole military strength against all comers, and to supersede the government and subjugate the people the moment the submission required by her " paramount interests" is refused.

The change from national independence to a mediatized condition, in which the functions of government were exercised by the agents of European powers, and the Franks were insinuating themselves into all the positions of profit and authority, and in which the Sultan was making his regained sovereignty unpleasantly felt, had its natural outcome in a national movement. This movement took form in 1881. It conflicted with the policy adopted by the Khedive; but from his nature and his position he could not help being in some respects morally identified with it. The

natural champions of the native cause were the army, the only institution which had not been denationalized, and the class which would least appreciate the good in the foreign innovations. The soldiers had a grievance of their own: their native officers were being displaced by Turks. Smarting under this wrong, they assumed the character of the Janizaries of old, with a determination which made it apparent that foreign domination can not acquire much moral strength and authority, even over so docile and submissive a people as the Egyptians, from mere diplomatic arrangements.

A mutiny of troops broke out at Cairo on the 2d of February, of such dimensions that the Government was intimidated, and allowed its course to be dictated by the soldiery. Dissatisfaction had been felt for some time by the Arab officers at the conduct of the Minister of War, Osman Reski Pasha. The minister, who was of Circassian origin, offended the native officers by giving appointments to Turkish_officers and favoring them, while he treated the Arabs with arrogance and contempt. The colonel of the body-guards and the colonels of the two other regiments stationed at Cairo presented a petition to the Viceroy, requesting the removal of the Minister of War. The address was handed to the Prime Minister, Riaz Pasha, who in the course of time sent it to the Minister of War. The latter called a council of war, and ordered the three colonels to be placed under arrest. The guard regiment, as soon as they heard of the arrest of their colonel, stormed the arsenal where the officers were confined, and where the investigating board was sitting. Osman Pasha escaped by flight, and Eflatun Pasha, his deputy, and General Stone Pasha, the American chief of the staff, were maltreated. Finally, the imprisoned officers were found and borne away in triumph to the Abdin Palace, which was surrounded by the troops, boisterously demanding an audience with the Khedive, to whom they reiterated the demand for the dismissal of Osman. The Khedive indignantly ordered the insubordinate colonels to give up their swords, and met with a flat refusal. The ministers came to the Viceroy and took council. After some deliberation they concluded that it was best to yield. The soldiers, after they were told that Osman was removed, and Mahmoud Sami Pasha el Barudis, at the time Minister of the Wagf, or Public Institutions, appointed in his place, departed with salutes and cheers.

The most popular of the refractory colonels, Ahmed Araby Bey, became the leader of the native cause. He possessed all the qualities of a patriot leader and champion of popular rights. In the time of Ismail he had been deprived of his rank through caprice, and succeeded in being restored. From that time he determined to devote his efforts to obtaining the privilege of a fair trial for the officers of the army before they could be dismissed. His sympathies soon extended over a wider field.

The arbitrary and ignoble treatment of the Fellaheen by the officers of the law led him to ponder on a reform in the administration of civil justice by which human rights and the principles of justice should be respected all over Egypt. The idea of inciting the army to demand popular reforms was conceived by Araby Bey and his fellow-officers in the reign of Ismail, but they doubted their success against his organized power and ruthless will. When the step was once taken, Araby Bey was the chosen director of this new and dangerous political force. He possessed the unmeasured confidence of the army, and soon won the devotion of the people. In the spring he gained the ear of the Khedive, and persuaded him of the necessity for certain reforms in the army. In September a military revolution was effected, and the attempt to establish a Pretorian rule of the army over the affairs of the country was for the time being a success. Riaz Pasha's tenure of the premiership had some time before grown insecure. His possible successors were Sherif Pasha and Nubar Pasha, both Egyptian statesmen of pre-eminent standing and distinguished services. Sherif Pasha has held every one of the ministerial portfolios at one time or another, and has been several times prime minister. Though educated in Paris, he is a stanch Mohammedan. He comes from a distinguished family, and bears an unimpeached character for probity. Nubar Pasha is the most widely known of the native statesmen. He was the originator of the international tribunals, and his high talents and broad, statesmanlike views have gained the respect of Europe. The French consul-general, Baron de Ring, an able but ambitious man, agitated for the downfall of the Riaz ministry, and, coming into conflict with the French comptroller, was called to an other post. Riaz Pasha was particularly objectionable to the army and the national agitators. He was held responsible for the custom of promoting foreigners, to the exclusion of native talent. He was a foreigner himself, a Circassian, and his expressed preference for Turkish and Circassian officers in the higher commands, as possessing more military talent and experience, rendered him obnoxious to the army. The practice of passing the Arab officers in making promotions was discontinued after the demonstration in February. There were some two thousand army officers in Egypt, the majority of them without commands. They were a unit in the present movement, and their influence over the rank and file was complete.

The Khedive had himself come into conflict with Riaz Pasha. He had insisted on certain measures which Riaz had opposed and slighted. The Khedive declared that he would assume the presidency of his council himself. He thus came to be counted with the growing party which was agitating for the fall of Riaz, and was associated with, although he gave no sign of encouragement to, the revolutionary army

party who were seeking with threats of mil:tary violence to have the numerous and highpaid foreign officials replaced by native Egyptians, and otherwise curtail the privileges accorded to foreigners. One of the complaints was that the foreigners who were amassing wealth in Cairo and Alexandria were practically exempt from taxation. The special grievances of the army-the threatened reduction of the forces, the miserable pay, the appointment of unpopular and supercilious Turkish officers, etc. -were more immediately felt. Among all the national aspirations no demand was uttered for the abolition of the comptrollership. The Khedive proposed to the recalcitrant colonels that they make a declaration of their allegiance. Araby signed such a protest of loyalty, but his colleagues refused. The military party had, since the affair of February, insisted on the retirement of the Riaz Cabinet, and on certain reforms in the military service.

On the forenoon of the 9th of February the Minister of War, Daoud Pasha, was handed a document signed by Araby Bey, demanding the dismissal of the ministry, a constitution, and the increase of the army to 18,000, and stating that the troops would appear before the Abdin Palace in the afternoon, and remain there until their demands were satisfied, unless sooner apprised of the assent of the Khedive. The Viceroy, on the advice of Comptroller Colvin and Riaz, proceeded to summon the loyal troops in person to resist the insurgents. At the stated hour 4,000 troops with 18 cannon marched to the palace, and when the Khedive returned he found them drawn up around it. Colvin advised him to advance and arrest the leader. Tevfik commanded Araby to dismount, which he did, sheathing his sword. But, instead of ordering him into arrest, the Khedive asked him his business. Araby Bey replied: "We come for law and justice; so long as you give us both, you are our Effendina; if not, we have your successor ready." Through several foreign representatives, who performed the part of intermediators, a long parley took place. The end of the Khedive's deliberations was, that he agreed to a change of ministers, and promised to submit the other points to the Porte. The insurgents objected to the names proposed by the Viceroy for chief of Cabinet, and insisted on Sherif Pasha. Upon his agreeing to invite Sherif to form a Cabinet, and delivering to the insurgents a letter conferring the appointment, which was read to the soldiers by Colonel Araby Bey, the troops marched to their quarters.

Sherif Pasha was at first reluctant to accept office under such circumstances. The negotiations with the troops were continued the following day, and then broken off. An Assembly of Notables gathered at Cairo, through whose intervention it was arranged that Sherif Pasha should form a ministry, with Mahmoud Sami as Minister of War, that the reforms in the military regulations demanded should be

carried out, with the exception of the increase of the army, and that the regiments should leave Cairo at the time fixed by Sherif Pasha. The immediate occasion for the outbreak had been an order of Riaz to transfer Araby Bey and his regiment to Alexandria.

The new ministry was formed on the 14th. It was composed as follows: Sherif Pasha, President of the Council and Minister of the Interior; Haidar Pasha, Minister of Finance; Ismail Ayub Pasha, Minister of Public Works; Mahmoud Sami, Minister of War: Mustapha Fehmi Pasha, Minister for Foreign Affairs, continuing in the same post which he held; and Kadri Bey, Minister of Justice.

There was much talk in Europe of a military expedition to Egypt to restore order and enforce the authority of the Government. But such an act on the part of either England or France, or both jointly, might lead to perilous complications which they were not prepared to encounter. The occupation of Egypt by Turkish forces and the active exercise of his authority as suzerain by the Caliph, France would not listen to, in view of the complications in Tunis and Algiers. A protest was raised even against the dispatch of Turkish commissioners to the Khedive. The Porte, nevertheless, sent its messengers, Ali Fuad and Nizami Pasha, who assured the Khedive of the satisfaction of the Sultan as to his course, and enjoined the preservation of the status quo. The commissioners had hardly begun their work of investigation, when they were suddenly recalled. There are evidences of a secret correspondence between Tevfik and the wily and scheming Sultan, Abdul Hamid. The Khedive, fretting under the dictation of Riaz and the domination of the comptrollers, was inclined to turn for relief to the Sultan, whose suzerainty Ismail had expended all his craft and uncounted treasure to shake off. The Sultan, revolving in his mind the methods of acquiring ascendency in Egypt, was captivated by a scheme of a certain Hafyz Pasha for organizing Egypt as a privileged autonomous province on the model of the Lebanon. He had previously encouraged Halim, uncle of Ismail, in his efforts to supplant Tevfik on the throne, with French and English consent. The secret agencies of Oriental intrigue have been at work for some time at Cairo, and those elements of the present disorder which can help the Sultan's Panislamic aspirations are fomented at Constantinople. The ulemas of the great mosque, El Azhar, are willing instruments of the propaganda, which has spread among the native merchants and lawyers through the efforts of one Sheik Senussi. By these means a schism was produced in the popular party. The army officers who began the agitation, and the landowners and peasants who embraced the national cause, were as much opposed to Turkish as to Christian aggression, while the Stamboul wire-pullers found means to partially convert the movement into an anti-Christian ferment.

The Panislamic pretensions of the Commander of the Faithful gained in popular favor after the French invasion of Tunis. The fears of British annexation, excited by expressions in the English press, strengthened this sentiment as well as the purely national impulse. Sherif Pasha, though a Turk by blood, has the reputation of being a stubborn foe to Turkish domination.

A dispatch of the British Government to Sir Edward Mallet, sent in November, declared that the British policy in Egypt was opposed to all intervention, and would support the native autonomous government within the limits of the rights accorded by the firmans of the Sultan-that England does not favor separation from Turkey. The present connection with Turkey is a safeguard against foreign intervention and rival ambition. England and France, who share the same views, have co-operated to secure good government. One great reform remains to be effected-good and systematic justice between natives in their dealings with each other. This work should be accomplished by Egyptians, and not by the extension of the international tribunals. The dispatch ends with a warning that this policy would be changed if anarchy or disorder should become prevalent. The fears of a British occupation had taken strong hold of the Egyptians, and were one of the prime causes of the nationalist agitation. The dispatch of Lord Granville was effective in allaying this dread, which was growing stronger.

The Fellaheen, unable to obtain justice from the native judges, have frequently brought their cases by means of legal subterfuges into the international courts. A scheme for a local judiciary was elaborated by the new ministry, and the tribunals were organized and ready to hear complaints by the beginning of 1882. In October occurred another manifestation of the new political forces which had come in play. An injurious expression, characterizing Mohammed as a "false prophet," was printed in the leading European journal, "L'Egypte." The ulemas, the students in the great religious university at Cairo, complained to the ministers, who upon examining the context concluded that the phrase had been inserted through an editorial blunder. They accordingly deemed an official admonition sufficient. But the religions community were not satisfied, and demanded the suppression of the newspaper, uttering vague threats, which were repeated by the military; until, finally, the ministry revoked their decision, and suppressed the paper.

The regiments which had made the rebellious demonstration were after a season transferred to different posts without making further trouble.

One of the main demands of the nationalist party was for constitutional government and a House of Representatives. In obedience to his new masters, and with the consent of his old ones, the Viceroy called, for the 23d of De