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the two countries is to be solved. Let the manufacturers begin by making their own markets accessible, and asserting the principle of free interchange, without which unlimited production is simply ruinous. Let them seek to exchange for our copper and wool upon equitable terms, as in former times; then may they certainly reckon upon us as permanent consumers of their products. We will pay them for their machinery, hardware, and dry goods with our wool, niter, and copper. Efforts to augment the various agricultural and manufactured products of a country within the natural limits imposed by soil, climate, geographical position, and the grade of civilization enjoyed, are always laudable.

The attitude assumed by the Chilian Government toward the holders of Peruvian bonds was alluded to in detail in our volume for 1879. The following extracts from the London "Times" and from a British financial

journal will throw the necessary light upon that question as it stood in the summer of 1881. It may be added that, down to the end of that year, little hope was entertained by the most sanguine of an early dividend. The net proceeds of thirteen cargoes sold on account of the Chilian Government, and to be applied in favor of the bondholders, was reported by the London consignees to amount to but £17,828 108.! The total claim represented by bonds is £32,000,000.

With regard to the reports in the market to the effect that the Chilian Government are going to assume the burden of the Peruvian debt at a smaller rate of interest, the truth appears to be that some large bondholders here, seeing that the committee are practically impotent and that some other combination must be formed to protect the bondholders, have made a proposal to the Chilian minister to accept what, in fact, is a composition, the bondholders agreeing in return to renounce all their rights. The Chilian minister, we believe, is inclined to listen to the proposal, whatever it may be, but nothing can be done now respecting it without conferring with Messrs. A. Gibbs and Sons, with whom communications have been opened. In any case the Chilian Government are not likely to agree to any arrangement which would cause them loss, which would probably be the result of their promising to pay £2 per cent on the Peruvian debt. The most favorable estimate by the best judges is that there will not be a net revenue from the guano sales of more than one per cent on the total amount of the Peruvian debt, and the realization of even that amount depends upon the possibility of obtaining sufficient guano of a marketable quality. On this head very considerable doubts are entertained. There has been a great deal of excitement in Peruvian bonds on the circulation of various rumors which seem to be mostly devoid of authority. It is eminently improbable that the Chilian Government will adopt the course which some ardent admirers of its generosity have been suggesting. There is no reason that we can see why Chili should take upon her the Peruvian debt, and guarantee two, or any, per cent to the bondholders. She does all she can fairly be expected to do when she gives the bondholders access to the property hypothecated to them in security for the foreign debt of Peru. Sanguine views have, however, been in the ascendant, and the price of the bonds has had a substantial rise. There is this much to be said in their favor, that even at one per cent (if it were sure) the bonds would be cheap at their present market quotations. Calculating on the basis of the vessels chartered and loading, on their way or arrived, allowing for only twenty more ships during the rest of the year, nearly two per cent on the loan

would, it is said, be within sight. There is, we agree with a correspondent of a contemporary, something more tangible in the prospect here than we have at present with the Turks. But no progress-we would remind this correspondent and other critics-is likely to be made by indulging in mere abuse of the cominittee of Peruvian bondholders. The letter from that body, which we publish elsewhere, proves their anxiety to have done with controversies and wrangling with the Chilian Government or any one else. But it is mere fatuity to call in question the credentials of the committee, or to speak of them as "impotent." Never was a committee appointed by a more indubitable vote. Out of a total of £32,000,000 bonds no less than £26,000,000 were registered or deposited, and £21,000,000 were voted on. The fact that the bondholders paid the assessment on their bonds sufficiently demonstrates how much they were in earnest in the matter, and how little foundation there is for the attempt to discredit their committee on the authority of anonymous "large" bondholders. If there was any and vote, it was applied by the Chilian minister, who pressure put on the bondholders to deposit their bonds caused it to be announced that their not registering or depositing would deprive them of their right to participate in the proceeds of the sales of the guano. The attacks on the committee are baseless clamors.

message read by President Pinto at the openThe subjoined additional extract from the ing of the Chilian Congress on June 1, 1881, will serve to complete the sketch of affairs in that country in that year:

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES: It affords me pleasure to be able to inform you that our relations with friendly powers are on a footing of perfect cordiality.

A slight modification which circumstances appeared to me to warrant has taken place in our relations with Spain.* You are aware of the eagerness with which Peru and Bolivia hastened to sign a treaty of peace with Spain, in the belief that by this means they would be able to obtain warlike elements to use against us. The Peninsular Government, after entering into a treaty of peace with our enemies, maintained, however, the strictest neutrality, notwithstanding that the truce with Chili subsisted and still subsists. In conformity with this lofty policy, it ever showed itself disposed to deny to our enemies all favors which it could not grant to us also. These antecedents, added to the friendly attitude assumed by the Spanish community at Iquique on a sad occasion, induced me to think that it would be proper to show that, on our part, we were not insensible to these conciliatory actions. Believing, therefore, that I faithfully interpreted public feeling in the matter, I issued the decree of January 31st last, opening our ports to Spanish vessels. In conformity with the law of January 12th of last year, which empowered me to give in the adhesion of Chili to the Postal Union, I applied, diplomatically, to the Swiss Federal Council for the incorporation of our country into that convention from the first of April of this year.

While devoting, as you may suppose, particular attention to the requirements of the war in which we are engaged, the different branches of the public service have not been neglected.

The advancement of our frontier, both north and south, has rendered necessary the creation of new provinces and departments, and several bills having this object in view will shortly be submitted to you.

The public roads have been duly attended to with the sums provided for in the estimates, and with private donations. I have issued decrees giving to the inhabitants of provinces some participation in road affairs, which will have the effect of improving the

* A treaty of peace between Chili and Spain, after fifteen years' interruption, was concluded in 1881.

management of those matters, and will be a guarantee for the legitimate outlay of the money expended on

them.

Important improvements have been carried out on the existing lines of telegraph for the purpose of affording greater facility for communication."

The prolongation of the line of telegraph to Ancud is being actively pushed on, and in a few days more the forts lately constructed in Arauco will be connected with the rest of the republic by telegraph.

In conformity with the provisions of the act of January 14th of the present year, surveys are being made for the plans and estimates of a railway from Angol to the province of Valdivia, and at an early date I shall apply for power to commence work on the first section of that line.

A bill, framed by the committee charged with the revision of the civil code of procedure, providing for the resort of cassation, will be laid before you.

The Council of Education is discharging its labors with commendable zeal, and it has submitted to the government plans of studies for the course of "humanities" and mathematics, and a plan of examinations for use in superior and secondary educational establishments.

Notwithstanding that during last year the war attained its greatest spread and development, trade has continued its regular and progressive course. The circumstance of our having been able to carry military operations into the enemies' territory from the very commencement of hostilities, thanks to our naval superiority, a fact worthy of being remembered in everything relating to the security and future of the republic, has, by maintaining open their sphere of action, been the cause of trade and industry having been free from uncertainties and fears which would have paralyzed or hindered their progress. On the contrary, the war itself, by its constant successes, has opened up new fields to enterprise by the conquest of extensive territories which have been sources of revenue to the state, and of labor and wealth for private individuals. (For treaty of limits, see ARGENtine RepubLIC; and for narrative of the war, PERU.)

CHILI, PERU, AND THE UNITED STATES. (See PERU, CHILI, AND THE UNITED STATES.)

CHINA, an empire in Asia. Emperor, Kwang-Su, formerly called Tsaeteen, born in 1872, a son of Prince Ch'un, and grandson to the Emperor Tau-Kwang, who died in 1850; he succeeded to the throne in 1875.

The area and population of the provinces of the empire were estimated as follows in 1880:

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leading through Mongolia to the Russian frontier. It is stationed in the neighborhood of Kalgan, and is placed under the command of the military chief to whom is intrusted the defense of Peking. 3. The Army of Turkistan, numbering 40,000 men, which is intended to protect the western frontier. Besides these armies of operation, there is to be another army of about 100,000 men which is to occupy the border provinces, and still another of about the same strength for the defense of Peking, and the preservation of order. in the interior. This would make a total of about 300,000 men, which in time of war could be increased to 1,000,000 men.

The Chinese fleet is composed of the three squadrons of Canton, Foochow, and Shanghai. According to a report of Captain A. Bocard, in

YEAR.

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Coasting trade.

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The principal articles of import and export were as follows (in Haikwau taels):

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The commerce of the treaty ports in 1880 court, and entirely remote from public affairs, was as follows (in Haikwau taels):

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Exports.

Newchwang

Tientsin.

250,000 1,191,000

Chefoo...

Hankow.

651,000
28,000

Kiukiang.

8,000

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158,000 4,240,000 94,000 7,644,000 269,000 36,179,000 10,000 9,184,000

Tamsui (Formosa).

747,000

116,000

Takow..

1,236,000

1,815,000

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because the natural authority of a father and the homage of a subject are, according to Chinese conceptions, absolutely incompatible.

The controversy with Russia regarding the restoration to China of the province of Ili, and its capital, Kulja, seemed likely in the summer of 1880 to result in a war, which would have proved most disastrous to China. The influence of the Marquis Tseng and of Colonel Gordon barely prevented the war party, headed by Prince Ch'un, the father of the Emperor, and by Tso-Tsung-t'ang, Governor-General of Eastern Turkistan, and reputed subjugator of Kashgaria, from plunging their country into the unequal conflict. The moderate progressist party, which exerted its influence in favor of peace, although it was led by the most eminent statesmen of China-Ch'un's brother, Prince Kung, and the great Viceroy, Li-Hung-chang

and had more moral weight among the mandarins, lacked the power and prestige which the support of the Empresses-regent gave their opponents. The warnings of Gordon and Tseng sustained the peace party, and prevented a collision after the rejection of the Treaty of Livadia. The Government remitted the sentence of Chung-how, the negotiator of the repudiated 632,044 treaty, who had been condemned to death, and expressed its willingness to resume negotiations. Russia was reluctant to redeem her promise to retire from the occupied province whenever the Chinese Government was in a position to govern it, without some substantial recompense. The contingency of China's reasserting her sovereignty in Turkistan seemed remote at the time when Russian troops occupied Kulja. The Russian Government were apparently desirous that China, without having a cause which would appear reasonable to Europe, should be provoked into commencing hostilities. This would enable the Russians to seize upon a strip of the Corean coast, which would give the Muscovite Empire the coveted maritime foothold on the Pacific.

309,565 2,338
12,260,132 17,300 14,572,718
1,667,059 5,670
1,301,684
13,927,221 22,970 15,874,352

The first attempt to introduce railways was made by the construction of a short line from Shanghai to Woosung, forty miles in length. One half of this line, from Shanghai to Kangwang, was opened for traffic June 3, 1876, but closed again in 1877, after having been purchased by the Chinese authorities. There are four lines of electric telegraph, having an aggregate length of thirty-nine miles.

Tsze An, known as the Eastern Empress, one of the Empresses - dowager who were jointly clothed with the imperial authority during the minority of the Emperor, died in March. Her co-regent, Tsze Hi, lay dangerously ill for some time. Had her death followed, there would have supervened a political crisis, which might have resulted in a dynastic revolution. The selection of the present infant Emperor has constantly been held by many in authority to have been contrary to the constitutional precedents and religious principles of the empire. There are also serious irregularities in the present regency, to which the orderly minds of the Chinese are with difficulty reconciled. The regency should have been resigned by the Empresses-regent to the widow of the late Emperor; and it was imperatively_incumbent upon the father of the present Emperor to keep him away from

The failure of the Marquis Tseng to obtain satisfactory terms, which the folly of his predecessor and the indifference of Russia rendered extremely difficult, brought the martial element again to the front in the winter of 1880-'81. If Russia had the intention of harrying China into a declaration of war, she defeated her purpose by her own active preparations for the encounter. For it was the dread of her naval power displayed on the sea-coast, and the appreciation of her superior military strength, which enabled peaceful counsels to prevail again at Peking.

Troops were sent forward toward the frontier. The fire-eating Tso, who had the credit of having reconquered the dominion of Yakoob Beg, although he had actually contributed nothing toward the achievement, and who was one of the loudest denunciators of the Treaty of Livadia, was summoned to Peking to add his support to Prince Ch'un and the war party.

The Chinese troops in Central Asia were under the nominal command of Liu-Chang-yo, who had his headquarters at Kashgar, and had from 20,000 to 30,000 men in his own command. Besides these there were about 30,000 troops garrisoned in Soongaria, or engaged in maintaining the long lines of communication between Kashgar and Kansu, under command of Generals Kinshun and Liu-Chang-yo. There were large numbers of disbanded soldiers till ing the soil, to furnish supplies to the troops. The Government was concentrating troops at Shan-Hai-Kwan. The military efficiency of the troops which the Government in its ignorance was prepared to put against trained European soldiery was contemptible. They lacked the first elements of tactical training, and were armed for the most part with worthless matchlocks. The Russians with a few thousand men could have cut off the army of 60,000 troops in farther Kansu, and the new dominion from all communication with China, and would have had them entirely at their

mercy.

General Gordon, who had been summoned by the Government to advise them in their difficulties, discovered that the Chinese had deceived themselves as to their boasted progress in the military art. The superficial acquirements of the most recent improvements of military science-torpedoes, gunboats, steamtransports, heavy artillery, modern fortifications, rifle-practice, etc.-only deluded them into the belief that they were on a par with European countries, when their military organization was really as defective and primitive as before. Gordon left with Li-Hung-chang, as he returned to Europe, a memorandum upon the military power of China, and the best mode of its development. He advises the retention of the old system of tactics and organization, as better suited to the character of the people. He warns the Chinese that they can not stand up before solid bodies of European soldiery, and advises them never to attempt pitched battles. They should cultivate skirmishing; and, with their facility in throwing up earth-works, and power of quick movement unhampered by pack and baggage, they might by their numbers, frugality, and hardihood, harass and wear out an enemy with whom they could never cope in regular warfare. Their naval defenses should consist of numerous and small armed craft, and plenty of small and cheap torpedoes. The army should be armed with breech-loading rifles, and should not attempt to handle heavy field-guns or be burdened with any equipments which would hinder its movements in the skirmishing tactics of irregular warfare on which it must rely. "China needs," he concluded, "no Europeans or foreigners to help her in carrying out this programme. If she can not carry out what is recommended herself, no one else can."

The moderation and election of a pacific policy on the part of Russia, no less than the influence of the wiser Chinese statesmen and

the tact of the Chinese plenipotentiary in St. Petersburg, brought the international difficulty to a peaceful issue. By the Treaty of St. Petersburg, Russia consented to restore nearly the whole of the territory in dispute, including the important Tekes Valley, which Chunghow had agreed to surrender, and the command of the passes of the Tien-shan. China agreed to pay to the Russian Government a large sum as an indemnity for the cost of pacifying and occupying the province. The other stipulations look toward the improvement of commercial relations and the extension of the overland commerce, and their effect is likely to be for some time to come simply a moral one. The abatement of the jealousy and enmity with which Russians are regarded by the Chinese may be effected by a conciliatory policy, and the knowledge of Russia's military strength might influence the Chinese Government without a breach of friendship; whereas a war would result in the overthrow of the dynasty, and leave no means of resisting the purposes of Russia which would be permitted by other powers, and would excite an animosity which would rankle for generations in the hearts of the people. A friendly Chinese Government may permit the Russians to establish themselves in the really independent Corea. But the project of commercial supremacy in Eastern Asia, which is the practical object of Russia in advancing eastward in the interior and in seeking to establish stations on the Pacific sea-board, would be defeated entirely by an embittered conflict with the Chinese people.

The fleet which Russia concentrated at Vladivostock at the critical stage of the Kulja negotiations was the most powerful ever sent to the Eastern seas. Had hostilities broken out, the two northern provinces of Corea would probably have been occupied by the Russians, giving them a position on the Yellow Sea which would always be within easy striking distance of the capital and northern ports of China, besides the much-desired harbor of Yung Hing, better known under the Russian name of Port Lazareff. The harbor of Port Lazareff on the Sea of Japan is one of the finest in the world, being perfectly sheltered and containing anchoring-ground for any number of vessels of the deepest draught. It lies only about one hundred miles south of the Tumen River, which divides Corea from Russian Tartary. Russian statesmen have desired for generations to secure a harbor which should be open all the year round on the Pacific, and have already been disappointed in two which have been tried. This port, which lies at their door, and can be annexed at any time without a blow and with small risk of serious complications, answers perfectly the commercial and strategic requirements.

The Treaty of St. Petersburg, by which the retrocession of Kulja to China was accorded, secured to Russia in return extended commercial privileges in China. The development of

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