the 28th of that month arrived on the left bank of the Del Norte, opposite to Matamoras, where it encamped on a commanding position, which has since been strengthened by the erection of field-works. A dépôt has also been established at Point Isabel, near the Brazos Santiago, thirty miles in rear of the encampment. The selection of his position was necessarily confided to the judgment of the general in command.

The Mexican forces at Matamoras assumed a belligerent attitude, and on the 12th of April, General Ampudia, then in command, notified General Taylor to break up his camp within twenty-four hours, and to retire beyond the Nueces river, and in the event of his failure to comply with these demands, announced that arms, and arms alone, must decide the question. But no open act of hostility was committed until the 24th of April. On that day, General Arista, who had succeeded to the command of the Mexican forces, communicated to General Taylor that "he considered hostilities commenced, and should prosecute them." A party of dragoons of sixty-three men and officers were on the same day despatched from the American camp up the Rio del Norte, on its left bank, to ascertain whether the Mexican troops had crossed, or were preparing to cross the river," became engaged with a large body of these troops, and after a short affair, in which some sixteen were killed and wounded, appear to have been surrounded and compelled to surrender."

The grievous wrongs perpetrated by Mexico upon our citizens throughout a long period of years, remain unredressed; and solemn treaties, pledging her public faith for this redress, have been disregarded. A gov. ernment either unable or unwilling to enforce the execution of such treaties, fails to perform one of its plainest duties.

Our commerce with Mexico has been almost annihilated. It was formerly highly beneficial to both nations; but our merchants have been deterred from prosecuting it by the system of outrage and extortion which the Mexican authorities have pursued against them, while their appeals through their own government for indemnity have been made in vain. Our forbearance has gone to such an extreme as to be mistaken in its character. Had we acted with vigor in repelling the insults and redressing the injuries inflicted by Mexico at the commencement, we should doubtless have escaped all the difficulties in which we are now involved.

Instead of this, however, we have been exerting our best efforts to propitiate her good will. Upon the pretext that Texas, a nation as independent as herself, thought proper to unite its destinies with our own, she has affected to believe that we have severed her rightful territory, and, in official proclamations and manifestoes, has repeatedly threatened to make war upon us for the purpose of reconquering Texas. In the meantime we have tried every effort at reconciliation. The cup of forbearance had been exhausted, even before the recent information from the frontier of the Del Norte. But now, after reiterated menaces, Mexico has passed the boundary of the United States, has invaded our territory, and shed American blood upon the American soil. She has proclaimed that hostilities have commenced, and that the two nations are now at war.

As war exists, and, notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists by the act of Mexico herself, we are called upon, by every consideration of duty and patriotism, to vindicate, with decision, the honor, the rights, and the interests of our country.

Anticipating the possibility of a crisis like that which has arrived, instructions were given in August last, "as a precautionary measure

against invasion, or threatened invasion, authorizing General Taylor, if the emergency required, to accept volunteers, not from Texas only, but from the states of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Kentucky; and corresponding letters were addressed to the respective governors of those states.

These instructions were repeated; and in January last, soon after the incorporation of "Texas into our union of states," General Taylor was further" authorized by the president to make a requisition upon the executive of that state for such of its militia force as may be needed to repel invasion, or to secure the country against apprehended invasion." On the 2d day of March, he was again reminded, "in the event of the approach of any considerable Mexican force, promptly and efficiently to use the authority with which he was clothed to call to him such auxiliary force as he might need."

War actually existing, and our territory having been invaded, General Taylor, pursuant to authority vested in him by my direction, has called on the governor of Texas for four regiments of state troops, two to be mounted, and two to serve on foot, and on the governor of Louisiana for four regiments of infantry, to be sent to him as soon as practicable.

In further vindication of our rights and defence of our territory, I invoke the prompt action of Congress to recognise the existence of the war, and to place at the disposition of the executive the means of prosecuting the war with vigor, and thus hastening the restoration of peace. To this end I recommend that authority should be given to call into the public service a large body of volunteers, to serve for not less than six or twelve months, unless sooner discharged.

A volunteer force is, beyond question, more efficient than any other description of citizen-soldiers; and it is not to be doubted that a number far beyond that required would readily rush to the field upon the call of their country. I further recommend that a liberal provision be made for sus taining our entire military force, and furnishing it with supplies and munitions of war.

The most energetic and prompt measures, and the immediate appearance in arms of a large and overpowering force, are recommended to Congress as the most certain and efficient means of bringing the existing collision with Mexico to a speedy and successful termination.

In making these recommendations, I deem it proper to declare that it is my anxious desire, not only to terminate hostilities speedily, but to bring all matters in dispute between this government and Mexico to an early and amicable adjustment; and, in this view, I shall be prepared to renew negotiations, whenever Mexico shall be ready to receive propositions, or to make propositions of her own.

I transmit herewith a copy of the correspondence between our envoy to Mexico and the Mexican minister for foreign affairs; and so much of the correspondence between that envoy and the secretary of state, and between the secretary of war and the general in command on the Del Norte, as are necessary to a full understanding of the subject.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MAY 28, 1846.

To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I TRANSMIT a copy of a note, under date the 26th instant, from the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of her Britannic majesty to the secretary of state, communicating a despatch, under date the 4th instant, received by him from her majesty's principal secretary of state for foreign

affairs.

From these it will be seen that the claims of the two governments upon each other, for a return of duties which had been levied in violation of the commercial convention of 1815, have been finally and satisfactorily adjusted. In making this communication, I deem it proper to express my satisfaction at the prompt manner in which the British government has acceded to the suggestion of the secretary of state for the speedy termination of this affair.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JUNE 6, 1846.

To the Senate of the United States :–

In answer to the resolutions of the senate of the 10th, 11th, and 22d of April last, I communicate herewith a report from the secretary of state, accompanied with the correspondence between the government of the United States and that of Great Britain in the years 1840, 1841, 1842, and 1843, respecting the right or practice of visiting or searching merchantvessels in time of peace; and also, the protest addressed by the minister of the United States at Paris, in the year 1842, against the concurrence of France in the quintuple treaty; together with all correspondence relating thereto.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JUNE 8, 1846.

To the Senate of the United States :—

I COMMUNICATE herewith a report from the secretary of War, transmitting the correspondence, called for by the resolution of the senate of the 5th instant, with General Edmund P. Gaines and General Winfield Scott, of the army of the United States.

The report of the secretary of war, and the accompanying correspondence with General Gaines, contain all the information in my possession in relation to calls for "volunteers or militia into the service of the United States," "by any officer of the army," without legal "authority therefor," and of the "measures which have been adopted" "in relation to such officer or troops so called into service."

In addition to the information contained in the report of the secretary of war, and the accompanying correspondence with "Major-General Scott, of the United States army, upon the subject of his taking the command of the army of occupation on the frontier of Texas," I state, that on the same day on which I approved and signed the act of the 13th of May, 1846, entitled "An act providing for the prosecution of the existing war between the United States and the republic of Mexico," I communicated to General Scott, through the secretary of war, and also in a personal interview with that officer, my desire that he should take command of the army on the Rio Grande, and of the volunteer forces which I informed him it was my intention forthwith to call out to march to that frontier, to be employed in the prosecution of the war against Mexico. The tender of the command to General Scott was voluntary on my part, and was made without any request or intimation on the subject from him. It was made in consideration of his rank as commander-in-chief of the army. My communications with General Scott, assigning him the command, were verbal; first through the secretary of war, and afterward in person. No written order was deemed to be necessary. General Scott assented to assume the command; and on the following day I had another interview with him and the secretary of war, in relation to the number, and apportionment among the several states, of the volunteer forces to be called out for immediate service; the forces which were to be organized and held in readiness, subject to a future call should it become necessary; and other military preparations and movements to be made with a view to the vigorous prosecution of the war. It was distinctly settled, and was well understood by General Scott, that he was to command the army in the war against Mexico, and so continued to be settled and understood, without any other intention on my part, until the Secretary of War submitted to me the letter of General Scott, addressed to him under date of the 21st of May, 1846, a copy of which is herewith communicated. The character of that letter made it proper, in my judg ment, to change my determination in regard to the command of the army, and the secretary of war, by my direction, in his letter of the 25th of May, 1846, a copy of which is also here with communicated, for the reasons therein assigned, informed General Scott that he was relieved from the command of the army destined to prosecute the war against Mexico, and that he would remain in the discharge of his duties at Washington. The command of the army on the frontier of Mexico has since been assigned to General Taylor, with his brevet rank of major-general, recently conferred upon him.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JUNE 10, 1846.

To the Senate of the United States :

I LAY before the senate a proposal, in the form of a convention, presented to the secretary of state on the sixth instant, by the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of her Britannic majesty, for the adjustment of the Oregon question, together with a protocol of this proceeding. I submit this proposal to the consideration of the senate, and request their

advice as to the action which, in their judgment, it may be proper to take in reference to it.

In the early periods of the government, the opinion and advice of the senate were often taken in advance upon important questions of our foreign policy. General Washington repeatedly consulted the senate, and asked their previous advice upon pending negotiations with foreign powers; and the senate in every instance responded to his call by giving their advice, to which he always conformed his action. This practice, though rarely resorted to in later times, was, in my judgment, eminently wise, and may, on occasions of great importance, be properly revived. The senate are a branch of the treaty-making power; and, by consulting them in advance of his own action upon important measures of foreign policy which may ultimately come before them for their consideration, the President secures harmony of action between that body and himself. The senate are, moreover, a branch of the war-making power, and it may be eminently proper for the executive to take the opinion and advice of that body in advance upon any great question which may involve in its decision the issue of peace or war. On the present occasion, the magnitude of the subject would induce me, under any circumstances, to desire the previous desire of the senate; and that desire is increased by the recent debates and proceedings in Congress, which render it, in my judgment, not only respectful to the senate, but necessary and proper, if not indispensable, to insure harmonious action between that body and the executive. In conferring on the executive the authority to give the notice for the abrogation of the convention of 1827, the senate acted publicly so large a part, that a decision on the proposal now made by the British government, without a definite knowledge of the views of that body in reference to it, might render the question still more complicated and difficult of adjustment. For these reasons I invite the consideration of the senate to the proposal of the British government for the settlement of the Oregon question, and ask their advice on the subject.

My opinions and my action on the Oregon question were fully made known to congress in my annual message of the second of December last; and the opinions therein expressed remain unchanged.

Should the senate, by the constitutional majority required for the ratification of treaties, advise the acceptance of this proposition, or advise it with such modifications as they may, upon full deliberation, deem proper, I shall conform my action to their advice. Should the senate, however, decline by such constitutional majority to give such advice, or to express an opinion on the subject, I shall consider it my duty to reject the offer. I also communicate herewith an extract from a despatch of the secretary of state to the minister of the United States at London, under the date of the 28th of April last, directing him, in accordance with the joint resolution of Congress "concerning the Oregon territory," to deliver the notice to the British government for the abrogation of the convention of the 6th of August, 1827; and also a copy of the notice transmitted to him for that purpose, together with extracts from a despatch of that minister to the secretary of state, bearing date on the 18th day of May last.

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