dom, and the caufes of the real danger that threatens our conftitution. might have been thought that no thing new could be faid on them. It has been a favourite meaiure with reformers to counteract the venality of rotten boroughs, either by admitting the inhabitants of the neighbouring hundreds to a right of voting equally with the burgeffes, or perfons holding by burgage tenure, or by entirely dif franchifing thofe boroughs, and granting to populous towns the right not now enjoyed by them, of fending members to parliament. Neither of thefe remedies would, in his opinion, remove the evil; for the venality, taking its rife from the corrupt manners of the people, cannot be remedied by a transfer of the franchife from one fet of electors to another, as both would moft certainly act in the fame manner. The expences attending elections he fays, are fuch, that gentlemen of moderate landed property are almoft exclude ed from the Houfe of Commons; and fuch land-owners as do take feats in it are poffeffed of estates fo very large, as to be candidates for a peerage, and therefore are more open to corruption than men of moderate incomes. The number of merchants admitted into the Houfe of Commons he also con fiders as highly dangerous to the conftitution; affuming it as a maxim that they attend more to their private intereft than to the public weal. He alfo objects, in the following terms, to the admiffion of a great number of lawyers into the houfe. In the beginning of the Xth and laft chapter our author is impar tial enough to acknowledge that, though the British conftitution be in its nature calculated to preferve the fabric of liberty in this country, it does not follow that any other ftate would to a certainty act wifely in adopting it. The blef fing of freedom, (he fays,) depends chiefly on the manners of a people; its exiftence therefore is compatible with almost every form of government; and perhaps it will be found that every community, far advanced in civilization, or long eftablished, contains within itself fuch remnants of paft, or fuch feeds of future freedom, in cuftoms and prejudices, which have crept in by degrees, that an enlightened patriotic legiflator will always adopt the maxim of Tacitus-the Jecret of fitting up a new Hate confifts in retaining the image of the old. Obferving, next, that the British parliament is the only fenate that ever was able to reftrain the power of kings, without annihilating monarchy, and to effect this reftraint without tumult or violence, he fays, it is worth while to difcover, if poflible, what in reality are thofe peculiari ties in its conftruction, to which we ought to afcribe its peculiar excellencies.' This inveftigation forms the principal fubject of the Xth chapter, which touches on too great a variety of objects to be particularized by us. Some re- Lawyers muft be bad legiflamarks, however, made by Mr. M. we cannot refrain from inferting here, as containing new ideas on fubjects already fo trite, that it tors, unlefs to profeffional fkill they join a mafs of general knowledge. This cannot be expected in men whofe time, from their youth up wards, narchical government; and that this defect in the conftitution cau be palliated only by the general venality of individuals; we need not be at a lofs to account for the degeneracy of parliament*.' wards, has been totally abforbed in the ftudies and practice of their profeffion, and this must be the cafe with all eminent lawyers, who alone can afford a feat in parliament. But if we alfo confider, that of late years the higheft honours, and the most lucrative offices of ftate, are prizes, which every lawyer, who can join parliamentary confequence. to profeffional eminence, is fure to obtain; we cannot be furprized if lawyers have, in general, proved themselves the moft zealous parti-grity in the elected: he would then Lans of faction, the moft fubfervient tools of government.' The conftitution is alfo in dan ger, he fays, from the admiffion of too many military men; fince fuch members, in his opinion, for the moft part confider their feat in parliament as a step fubfervient to, perhaps neceffary for, their profeffional advancement, and therePore betray their duties as fenators. He then adds the following obfervation: 'If, in addition to this change in the character of the members, we alfo take into confideration the great increase of power that the fenate has neceffarily arrogated to itself, fince the crown was rendered entirely dependent on its good will; when we recollect that exceffive power corrupts the beft difpofitions; that the actual exercife of what the house of commons poffefs, is incompatible with a mo Hence it is evident that our author is an advocate for reform but on principles very different from thofe on which reform has hitherto been defended: he would first reform the manners of the electors, as the beft means of fecuring political inte introduce a greater portion of the landed intereft into parliament, and confiderably leffen the number of profeffional men and merchants who fhould be admitted to fit in it; and he would extend the power of the crown, at the fame time that he would diminish that of the houfe of commons, by making the prince lefs dependent on it :-but it is not the lower houfe alone, according to Mr. M. that calls for re-form; the house of lords, in his opinion, ftands in as much need of it. 'A moment's reflection (fays he) will ferve to convince us, that the political power vested in the lords, enables them to perform but a fmall part of what is required of them; and unless this power, their titles of honor, and their infignia of rank, are united to great perfonal authority, derived from ample hereditary poffeflions, and to the refpect which is always paid to Those who are advocates for the prefent fyftem of government, yet allow that it is fupported by influence, feem not aware that their arguments lead to an abfurdity. The power of influencing a preponderatin, part of the people vested in the crown, is nugatory, unless there is alfo a difpofition in the people to be inflo enced. Such a difpofition implies a proportional annihilation of political inte grity. But where political integrity is in general extinct, the nation muft de line.' honourable honourable birth, their power would be nugatory, their infignia ridiculous. Luxury, that bane to national profperity, by caufing the extinction of old families, incurably vitiates, to a certain degree, the conftitution of the houfe of lords. A new-created peer will never be refpected as much as one who derives his honours from a long line of ancestors, This evil would not, however, be very confiderable, if the vacancies were fupplied as they ought to be; but of late years, inflead of felecting those commoners who are moft diftinguifhed by their family and fortune, peerages have been lavished on profeffional men, often of the most obfcure birth, and who fometimes have not even attained an independence, but are compelled ftill to follow their profeffions, or truft to places and penfions for a maintenance. This practice partly arifes from the indolence and effeminate frivolity of those who are born to opulence, and who defert the fervice of the public, or at least confider it as fubordinate to their pleasures and amusements; they therefore not only have no claims to any recompence from government, but, from the degradation of their perfonal character, are of little importance in the eye of the minifter. It proceeds, however, ftill more from the neceffity the minifter lies under, of attaching to himfelf as many men of profeffional eminence as poffible, who, knowing their own importance, make their own terms; and alfo of fecuring a devoted majority in the upper as well as in the lower house. It behoves all parties at prefent to recollect themfelves. Power, fuch as is vefted in an English peer, can safely be entrafted only to one who is altogether indepen dent of the fmiles of the prince, or the minifter, as to his fortune; and if the house of lords is, as it always has been esteemed, the firmett fupport to royalty, and a neceffary refuge to the conftitution against the ficklenefs and violence of the people, it is the intereft both of the people and of the crown to unite, as formerly, political power and honorary fplendour to hereditary opulence and perfonal authority. Whatever may be his abilities and merits, however fplendid his fervices, a new man, (novus bomo,) particularly if he has his fortune to make, is not competent to fulfil all that is required of a peer.' Then, criticifing the famous paffage in Goldsmith, "Princes and peers may flourish or may fade, A breath can make them, as a breath has made; But a bold peasantry, their country's pride, When once deftroy'd, can never be fupplied:" he fays-The fentiment is falfe, for it would be ftill more difficult to re-establish a peerage than a peafantry; and he is certainly right, if it be true that hereditary nobles are useful inasmuch as they are venerated by the public, and that antiquity of defcent is one of the caufes, if not the principal one, of the veneration in which they are held by the people. He then proceeds to fhew that, notwithstanding the many additions made to the lift of peers, the power of the ariftocracy is rather on the wane, and that that the influence of the democracy has long been gaining ground in our conftitution. He infitts that the monarchy, deprived as it is of the legal power neceffary to its defence, cannot maintain itself without influence: but at the fame time he admits that a government of influence is baneful in its nature; and that the refources of no ftate whatever can for a continuance fupport it: he is therefore an advocate for a reform, though, as we have already faid, on principles different from any yet recommended to the public. Unlefs (fays he a radical ame. lioration of legiflative policy takes. place, anarchy will triumph, or defpotifm will crush every remnant of liberty. This horrid alternative can be prevented only by active and ftrenuous exertions of the advocates for order and rational freedom. Whoever values his property and his honours, muft owe their prefervation to himself he can no longer enjoy them in indolence under the protection of laws, or a constitution, for which the contending parties feel no reverence, whichthe one endeavours to deftroy, and the other to abufe.' A great bleffing attending our government, he obferves, is, that we need not diforganize in order to regenerate, and that a complete reformation may be obtained by adhering to the fpirit, without departing from the forms, of our prefent conftitution:-but, in order to proceed with effect, he thinks the legislature ought to begin in time. To thofe who have property, and to those who have hitherto poffeffed a kind of monopoly of places, he gives very wholefome advice in the following words: The rich would do well to imitate the fabled policy of the beaver, who is faid to bite off the part for VOL. XXXVIII. which the hunters purfue him, and fubmits to be maimed in order to fave his life. The upper rank cannot long retain an exclufive right to the lucrative offices of the ftate. The greedy multitude will at first infift on having a thare; they will then take the whole, and the pri vate poffeffions of the rich will foon follow. Before it is too late, all falaries and profits arising from offices of ftate fhould be infinitely reduced, and neither the populace nor their leaders will then be very keen in the pursuit of barren ho nour and unprofitable labour.' After the last chapter, are given 10 pages of notes, illuftrating various propofitions laid down in the body of the work; to which is fubjoined an Appendix of 31 pages, containing many very judicious obfervations on agriculture, inclofures, &c. Such is the outline of a work, which, we are convinced, cannot be read without benefit by any clafs or defcription of thinking men. It contains undoubtedly much that will be condemned, or at leaft difputed, by many, on the subjects of the army, militia, religion, gar rifons, royal prerogative, commerce, and reform but the parts which may be condemned by fome, will be infinitely overbalanced by those that must be praised by all. : ductory Records, Illuftrations, &c. and the Early Hiftory of the Town of Leicefter. Vol. 2. Part 1. Containing Framland Hundred. Common Paper, 51. 55. Royal Paper, 71. 75. boards. Nichols. 1796. WE cannot fufficiently admire or applaud the extraordinary perfeverance and affiduity of refearch which our eftimable author muft have beftowed on fo dry but ufeful a publication as the one now before us. We have no hesitation in placing the hiflory of Leicefter fhire at the head of all the county hiftories which have yet appeared, for extent of information and minutenefs of investigation, and though from its bulk and locality, its merit is not likely to be fufficiently appreciated by the prefent generation, yet pofterity will confider it as an invaInable legacy, and be grateful to its difinterefted author for fo complete a collection of antient records, authentic documents, and original information. The introductory volume begins with an account of Leicefterthire extracted from Domefday book, with a tranflation. It is fucceeded by a curious and valuable differtation on Domefday book, clofed by a tabulary defcription of Leicefterfhire as it was in the time of William the conqueror. Then follows an effay on the Mint at Leicefterfhire, with views of coins. The names and arms of knights of the county of Leicester who served under Edward I. are next given, with other lifts of perfons who bore honours, &c. A copy of the Tefta de Neville, as far as it relates to this county, a matriculus of the churches of the archdeaconry of Leicester in 1220, a rotula of the churches of Leicestershire in 1344, and other tables relating to ecclefiaftical matters, come next. These are followed by a variety of papers, containing taxations, lifts of freeholders, knight's fees, tenants in capite, &c. &c. Mr. Leman's treatife on the Roman roads and ftations in Leicestershire, with additional obfervations by the bishop of Cork, and remarks on Roman roads by other writers, together with a learned effay on a Roman milliary found near Leicester, by the Rev. George Athby, form the fucceeding fet of papers. The rivers and navigations of Leicesterfhire are the fubject of the next article, chiefly confifting of copies of the acts obtained for the purposes of navigation, moftly of very late date. Dr. Pulteney then contributes a catalogue of rarer plants found in the neighbourhood of Leicester, Loughborough, an in Charley foreft, drawn up with the judgment and accuracy that might be expected from fo able a botanin. The returns made to parliament of charitable donations within the county fill a large number of fuc. ceeding pages. All the remainder of the volume is compofed of the hiftory and antiquities of the town of Leicester, with a series of its bishops, of the kings, dukes, and earls of Mercia, and their fucceffors, earls of Leicester. A great portion of this trenches deeply on the general hiftory of England, in which the Montfort family, with others who bore the Leicester title, made fo confpicuous a figure. The writer (an anonymous friend of Mr. Nichols) has also contrived to bring in the whole ftory of Thomas à Becket, who feems to be |