whose intentions were evidently inimical. They openly at length refufed to pay taxes, or to acknowledge the viceroy's authority: they feized his perfon in a progrefs he was making through the ifland, and releafed him only on condition he fhould recall the troops he had ftationed in the interior parts. The malcontents continued their intrigues, and completely fucceeded in filling the public with complaints and diffatisfaction. Apprifed of their designs, the viceroy perceiving the impracticability of obviating them, intimated the intention of leaving the island, and embarking with the English garrifon. In confequence of this intimation, a body of French and Corficans failed from Leghorn, and landed on the eighteenth of October in Corfica, where multitudes having joined them, they proceeded to Baftia, the capital, and fummoned the English garrifon to furrender; but it effected its embarkation on board the fhips in the harbour with inconfiderable lofs, and withdrew to Porto Ferraio, in the ifland of Elbe, of which the English had taken poffeffion at the time that Leghorn was feized by the French, in order to prevent them from making a feizure of this illand in the fame manner. The evacuation of Corfica by the English, and its return to the government of France, was an event peculiarly acceptable to the directory, which did not fail to fpeak of it in terms of the greatest fatisfaction, and to magnify it as of the higheft importance to the republic, and detriment to the Englih intereft in the Mediterranean. The fact was, that the retention of it would manifeftly have coft much more than its worth. The difpofi tion of the inhabitants was fo little to be relied upon, and they had been fo thoroughly prejudiced against the British government, that it appeared totally ufelefs to endeavour to reclaim them by reasonings, which they would have difregared, or to coerce them by feverities, which would have produced civil contentions and bloodshed, that muft have filled the island with wretchednefs and calamity, without anfwering any other purpofe than perpetuating mutual enmity, and rendering the poffeffion of it a fource of endless perplexity. In this light the determination, taken to abandon it, was a measure of timely prudence. Thele various fucceffes of the French, and of their partifans, accelerated the treaties of peace into which the princes of Italy had engaged to enter with the republic. The king of Naples and the duke of Parma had, conformably to the terms of the armiftice granted to them, deputed commiffioners to Paris, to fettle the conditions. It was an aufpicious circumftance for both, that Spain was at this time. on friendly terms with France, under the meditation of the Spanish minister at Paris. These two princes were treated by the directory with more moderation than they could have otherwife expected, confidering the inveteracy they had manifefted against the republic; much the fame conditions were granted to them, as to the other powers with which France had already concluded pacifications. Naples however was required to pay the fum of eight millions, either in money or in naval ftores. The Batavian republic was formally included in this treaty, which was [12] concluded concluded in the middle of Octo- the most despicable scenes of fuber. The conduct of the court of Rome was marked, on this occafion, with a temerity that was by numbers attributed to imbecillity, and the groffeft degree of bigotry. Notwithstanding the repeated defeats of the Imperialifts, fuch was the confidence in the prowefs of the Germans, after Buonaparte had been forced to raife the fiege of Mantua; and in that fatality which had formerly attended the French in their invafions of Italy, that it was firmly believed at Rome they would be expelled, as they had been before, with equal lofs and ignomy; and that the fortune of the houfe of Auftria would certainly preponderate. Full of thefe ideas, thofe who influenced the papal councils, were conftantly averle to the conceffions demanded by the directory, as repugnant to the long eftablished maxims of the Roman fee, and inimical to the Catholic religion. It was explicitly required of the pope, that he fhould revoke all thofe publications that had been iffued in virtue of his fpiritual authority, and that related to the affairs of France. This was a blow fo directly ftriking at his religious principles, that no furprile was excited at the abhorrence he exprefled of fuch a requifition. Herein he was feconded by all the zealous adherents to his tenets. Had no other means been used to combat the demands of the French, than reafoning and argument, no blame could have been imputed to their antagonifts: but the fpirit of bigotry and fuperftition rofe up agaft them in a manner that reminded the world of perftition that were recorded of former ages. The immediate intervention of heaven was reforted to, and miracles pofitively afferted to have been performed in many of the churches of Rome, in vindication, as it was conftrued, of the truth and dignity of the catholic religion, outraged by the iniquitous conduct of the French, and their wicked attempts to establish infidelity on the ruins of the Chriftian belief. The fireets of Rome were filled with proceffions, and the credulity of the people converted into the means of inflaming them againit the French, as the enemies of the Divinity, and of all that was facred among men. The court of Rome did not feem to reflect, that by lending itfelf to fuch bafe and candalous attempts to impofe upon the multitude, they forfeited the confideration of all the reafonable part even of their own fociety. For though the propenfity of the Roman catholics to give credit to miraculous events is well known, yet the more judicious and difcerning among them are very far from giving countenance to the abfurdities that pafs current among the generality. Such however was either the real or pretended belief in the impoftures daily propagated, that the zeal of all claffes and conditions was rouzed; the populace was kindled to the utmoft rage against all who expreffed a doubt of thefe wonders, and teftified the most violent ardour to enlift in the fervice of the church and state. The phrenzy of the monks, and of the weaker ecclefiaftics, came in aid of that which appeared in the commonalty, monalty, and even fome perfons, not devoid of understanding, were induced to think, that the fury and indignation, excited by the perfuafion of celeftial affiftance, being at hand, against the French, might fupply the want of difcipline, and animate the multitude to the most vigorous and effectual exertions. The French refident, at Rome, endeavoured to make the adminiftration fenfible of the dangers to which it expofed the ftate, by thefe rafh proceedings; but his advice was rejected, and preparations of war occupied the attention of all men: not howevever without moving the compaffion of those who forefaw the calamities, or the humiliations, that would refult from thefe fenfelefs meafures, and the derifion of those who fecretly ridiculed the idea of transforming a nation of bigots into an army of heroes. This, however, did not, perhaps, appear to the court of Rome, what indeed it was not, impoffible; and, as to the number of those who derided fanatical and fuperftitious notions, was probably believed to be far lefs than it really was. Whether the pope himfelf was prompted by his own credulity, or that of others, he completely threw off the mafk of piety and refignation which he had formerly allumed, as above related, and acted, throughout the whole of this bufinefs, as if he confidered the caufe of the Roman fee as intitled to fupernatural interpofition. So deep rooted was his attachment to the rules and preferiptions of former times, that he liftened to no advice but that of ecclefiaftics, and employed no other perfons to negociate with the French, though he well knew how odious fuch perfons were to them, and how likely to mar all negociations on that very account. He behaved, in fhort, as if he had lived in thofe ages when the ignorance of mankind, and the implicit refpect arifing from it for the pontifical character, fubdued the dictates of good fenfe in all tranfactions with the church of Rome; and enabled it to domineer over nations with an authority that filenced every argument, and commanded their obedience to him, on the defpotic principle of his being the vicegerent of heaven upon earth. And yet had he turned his atten tion to what was paffing around him, and even among his own people, he must have feen the fatal impropriety of trufting to the difpofition of men in religious or political matters, at the prefent æra, as might have been done heretofore. So impreffive had been the example of the French in affairs of religion and politics, in every part of Italy, that avowed approvers of them had arifen in every province and fovereignty of that country. Republican principles, efpecially were maintained by thofe who ftill faithfully adhered to the tenets of Chriftianity, which, indeed, they explicitly afferted, was totally unconnected with any form of government, and inculcated no more than obedience to the established laws, and fidelity to the government itfelf, whatever its form might be. As thefe maxims, however found and reafonable in themfelves, militated against the fyftems prevailing in Italy, the ruling powers felt, of courfe, an invincible repugnance to them. Hence their abhorrence of the French, and their readiness, at the fame time, to enter into agree. ments with them, before thei: principles had gained fufficient latitude among their own fubjects to incite [13] them, them to throw off the yoke, and adopt the fyftem of the French, who might easily be prevailed upon, in fuch cafe, to give them effectual countenance. This was fully verified in the inftance of the duchy of Modena: its foverign, when he fled to Venice, had established a regency, which, contrarily to the intent of the armiftice concluded with the French, as they complained, fet about repairing the fortifications of the city of that name. This afforded them a plaufible pretext to take it into their own poffeffion: they difmifled the ducal regency, and fubftituted a government on their own plan, and which was to rule in their name. This change was effected on the eight of October. The city of Reggio, the next in importance in that duchy, had already caft off its obedience, and fettled a republican government, in complete imitation of that in France. This happened towards the clofe of Auguft. The cities of Bologna and Ferrara, which had fubmitted to the French about two months before, were now fo completely revolutionized in their principles, that they fent a deputation to congratulate the people of Reggio upon what they had done, and to offer them affiftance against all oppofers. After the French had feized Modena, an union of that city and thofe of Reggio, Bologna, Ferrara, and of their respective districts, into one commonwealth, under the protection of France, was in mediately projected. The French forms and inflitutions were adopted in every refpect; but care was taken, at the fame time, to prevent, by the fricteft regulations, all tumultuous proceedings, on account of differences in opinion, and to fecure the property of all those who behaved peaceably. Herein the conduct of Buonaparte was remarkably impartial he threatened the fevereft punishment to those who violated the tranquillity of the public on pretext of avenging the ftate on the enemies to liberty. The fpirit that animated the people of this new republic, and which was generally diffufed every where, was highly unacceptable to the ariftocratical governments in Italy. At Genoa, the mafs of the inhabitants was evidently inclined. to the French fyftem, but the nobles fill continued inveterate to democratical principles. In the diftricts, fituated along the mountainous country, bordering upon the territories of Genoa, numbers of banditti infefted the roads, and were privately encouraged by the Auftrian emillaries at Genoa; whofe refidence in that city was ftrongly fufpected to be connived at by fome principal perfons in the Genoefe government. Thefe fufpicions, and the repugnance of the nobles to favour popular nations, prevented a cordial correfpondence from fubfifting between this fiate and the French republic. In the duchy of Milan, the republican fpirit prevailed, with hardly any other oppofition than of thofe interested for the Auftrians, by the employments they had held in their fervice. The adminiftration of affairs, in this country, was now vested in the reprefentative aflembly, chofen by the people, which exercifed the powers of government under the protection of France. The members of this adminiftration were men of confpicuous firmnefs and determination in the cause they had embraced: they exerted all their abilities and influence over their countrymen, in order to preferve that fpirit of liberty among them, on which, they were confcious, depended the favour of the French, without which their condition would not be better than un der the Auftrian domination. This indeed was held in particular deteftation by the perfons eminent for their literary talents, for whom it expreffed a marked averfion, on account of the freedom they frequently took in their writings and converfations, when treating of religious or political fubjects. The return of this odious domination was extremely dreaded by the Milanefe. Thofe, in whom the change of affairs had placed the fupreme authority, well knew, that, were the Auftrians to regain poffeffion of this country, its inhabitants would fuffer feverely, on account of the preference they had manifefted for the French; and that they themfelves had no other profpect than of capital punishment for the part they had acted. Swayed by thefe motives, they ufed every means, and employed every argument, to infpire their countrymen with the refolution to oppose, to the last extremity, the re-establishment of the Aufirian power. They published admonitions and addrefles to the public, feveral of which were ftrikingly eloquent and pathetic: they warmly exhorted their countrymen, and, through them, the people of all Italy, to improve the opportunity, arifen from the en'rance of the French; and their readiness to emancipate the fubjects of the defpotic princes, who had fo long opprefled the country, to throw off the yoke, and to eftablith free conftitutions. They enforced this advice with very reason that could be adduced, but efpecially the facility they would find, in conjunction with the French, to bring about every alteration neceflary for their welfare. Never might fo aufpicious an occafion recur, to fubftitute the governments, founded on liberty, to the tyrannical fyftems from which every man among them, that dared to speak his mind, openly expreffed his will to be delivered. In purfuance of these fentiments, which were almoft univerfally diffufed through all claffes, the adminiftration publicly offered a prize for the best treatife that fhould be produced on the important question, which was the free government beft calculated to promote the happinefs of Italy? The fubject was handled, accordingly, with all the freedom it merited: the pens of fome of the most eminent writers were employed on this occafion, and though, by venturing to utter their thoughts, they might eventually expofe themfelves to the greatest danger, their zeal and courage raised them above all apprehenfions. They The publications of this kind, that frequently appeared at this period, made fo effectual an impreffion upon thofe for whom they were intended, that a general inclination to take an active part against the Auftrians was every where vifible. were, in fact, confidered by moft of the Italians as the common enemy of their country, long before the French expedition. The only dif ference between thefe and the Germans, was, that the latter had poffeffion, and the former were striving to gain a footing. But then, the views of both were profeffedly op- . pofite; the one meaning to retain his poffeffions, the other to fet them free from their prefent holders, and to erect them into independent ftates. [14] Animated |