sonal interest in mountaineering, namely, insight gained into marches, migrations, the strategy and tactics of war. There can hardly be a more instructive way of spending a few weeks' vacation than by a walk through such passes and valleys as, for example, the Simplon, St. Bernard, St. Gothard, and Inn Valley, for the purpose of illustrating the great movements of history. To a civilian the strategic operations that precede a battle and the significance of the event are positively illuminated by intelligent wandering over the broken country in the neighborhood. It is marvelous why teachers and investigators of early Roman history do not devote some of their time to saunterings among the middle Apennines. They would clear up many of their confused notions about Equians, Volscians, Hernicans, Polybius, Hannibal, and Sulla. The writer in a three days' ramble through the hills of the Lake George and Champlain district obtained a better understanding of the great events connected with northeastern New York than from a half semester of arm-chair study. Details of actions become more intelligible from a good-view point. Commentators of Xenophon should thread the mazes of the Taurus and Niphates. Critics of Livy should curtail their visits to Italian picture galleries and increase their allowance of time to Italian peaks. Embryonic doctors of philosophy and pedagogues would be benefited by neglecting boulevards and beaches for the knapsack and the wind-swept mule path.

To the student of ethnology and sociology mountaineering ought to prove of inestimable value. Consider the opportunities still held out in the secluded valleys of the Caucasus, Pyrenees, and Alps, or the hardly more familiar isolated districts of this country. The photographer in search of the picturesque, the literary artist in quest of local color, resort to the Grisons, to the Great Smoky Mountains, why not also the sociologist?

There is yet another advantage of wandering in the highlands which can best be appreciated by one who has had occasion to wrestle with questions of historical and political geography. Where the political divisions of historic import lie close together in complicated and perplexing arrangement, as in Germany, Italy, Greece, and various portions of central and southern Europe, it is safe to affirm that the tangle becomes wonderfully straightened out after a journey of several days through the intricate regions. The reason of being for

the different cantons and communities of Switzerland, for instance, grows much clearer at the end of a detailed and intįmate survey, wandering over heights and through valleys.

In this era of historic pilgrimages it seems unnecessary to sound the praises of trips to noted scenes. The committees who arrange and carry out these scientific picnics, here or in Europe, deserve well of the country-in trade language, they fill a long-felt want-and the impetus thus given must prove of great value, in spite of disadvantages inevitably connected with seeing things en masse in the guidebook fashion with ccierones. While the conductors of these excursions are planning this and that historic tour, it is a pity that they could not arrange a more extended journey to Italy or Greece for the benefit of students. Perhaps the same result will be attained in a quieter way. Local teachers conduct grammar school and academic classes to Gettysburg and Lexington; why should not local professors lead their historical seminaries to the highlands of the Hudson, to the Ticonderoga hills, or to the Shenandoah region? Beginnings have been made in this direction in the scientific work of colleges and universities; witness the honorable record in exploration of Bowdoin, Princeton, Yale, and Harvard. Why is it not possible in history? Scores of college students take a holiday on the Continent; why can they not rationally direct their steps to Citharon and the Pass of Daphne, as well as to Unter den Linden and the Boulevard des Capucines?

This paper can not more fittingly be closed than by showing the possibilities that wait for the historical mountaineer in an ideal example. The lofty and romantic regions that lie within a radius of a few hundred miles of the Vale of Cashmere contain, we may assert, the riddle of Asiatic history. English sportsmen, in search of huge game, Russian semi-military, semipolitical adventurers, and natives of infinite diversity have had this magnificent domain to themselves. As England pushes out one way and Russia pierces another, the mazes of this mountain mass become better known and more accessible. Let a small band of students, whether commissioned by State or university, or both, traverse these wilds, rich in the accumulated legend and history of thousands of years, a band which might contain something of the keen topographical eye of a Mahaffy, the encyclopedic knowledge of a Ranke, the generalizing and comparative powers of a Freeman, and the

graphic pen of a Parkman, and consider that they would in a comparatively short space of time penetrate into localities famous since the days of Aryan migrations, of Alexander, Jenghiz Khan, Buddhist and Mohammedan advances, Baber, Nadir Shah, down to the hill campaigns of Russians and Englishmen in the present generation. Can anyone doubt the value of the contributions to science brought back by such a commission?

In a far humbler way it is in the reach of every teacher of history, of every writer of history, of every intelligent and. painstaking reader of history, to enlarge his knowledge and clarify his conceptions by hieing away to the historic hills. Renewed vigor lies there for body and mind; there await us new understanding of the problems of human movements; new light on the dark pages of confused events; broader realization of the grandeur of history.

H. Mis. 91--34

XXVI. CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF THE PARTY REVOLUTION OF 1800.

By Prof. ANSON D. MORSE.

If we knew the full and exact truth respecting our first party revolution, we could reason more wisely in regard to later ones and act more prudently in regard to those which are to come. The materials on which to base a judgment of this revolution are abundant and excellent. There is little or no dispute respecting important matters of fact. Of particular value are the opinions which we find in the private correspondence of party leaders and of other interested and sagacious men of that day. Instructive, too, are the histories of the Federalist period, some of which compare favorably with the best works on other periods. And yet, despite the abundance and quality of the material and the skill of those by whom it has been worked, I am compelled to think that in one respect the results are not satisfying; it seems to me that as a rule the factor of party has not been appreciated at its true worth. The views to which I beg your attention are the results of a study prompted by the conviction that since the establishment of party government the key to political history is to be found. in a study of the nature and history of party.

It is agreed that among the factors which had weight in the struggle of the year 1800, the following deserve special mention:

(1) Peace with France, since this took from the Federalists the popularity which they had enjoyed as the war party of 1797 and 1798 and left upon them the odium of having pushed unduly far burdensome war preparations which the event had proved unnecessary.