sort of rapine and extortion," and who had enlisted the aid of government in order to cover their own transgressions. This exasperated the people and "drove them to acts of desperation and confederated them in violences which, as your lordship knows, induced bloodshed, and, I verily believe, necessarily." Three months later, after he had returned to Newbern, he modified his opinion slightly. He then wrote that he was fully convinced that the people had been

1

grievously oppressed by the sheriffs, clerks, and other subordinate officers of government, and exceedingly moved my compassion; but, on the other hand, I can assure your lordship there was not wanting evidence of most extravagant licentiousness and criminal violences on the part of that wretched people, which [being] provoked by the abuse I discovered, or by other causes that might be inscrutable to me, seems at length to have urged matters to a crisis that necessarily terminated in bloodshed. Upon the whole, I am not without hopes, my lord, that the vigorous measures taken by my predecessor under those circumstances may have a tendency to keep under the disorderly spirit.2

This view seems eminently correct, and with it we may rest

our case.

1 Colonial Records, IX, 330.

2 Ib., IX, 357-358.

XII. A CHAPTER IN THE LIFE OF CHARLES ROBINSON, THE

FIRST GOVERNOR OF KANSAS.

By Prof. FRANK W. BLACKMAR, of the University of Kansas.

Next to the settlement of the first colonies on the Atlantic Slope, there is no more interesting illustration of the actual development of government and law and the building of States than that of the settlement and development of a Western State by Eastern immigrants. Coming from all the different States of the Union and from Europe, and entering suddenly an unimproved country with no means of wealth except the fertile soil and other bounties of nature, they form themselves into organizations, they develop government, make law, and establish system and order of association. More peculiar than perhaps that of any of the older States of the West, on account of the rapidity of settlement and the special struggle which went on dividing the settlers into different groups on each side of the Free-State policy, was the founding and building of Kansas. It sometimes happens in the history of nations that a single law throws burdens upon a community and makes the settlement of questions impossible without bloodshed and strife. Such was the condition following the agreement known as the religious peace of Augsburg, of 1555, when the struggle of the great powers over religious doctrines was relegated to local authorities to settle as best they might. It ended in throwing a greater part of Germany at the mercy of marauding bands and tramping armies and crushing out much of the best life of the people. It was so in Kansas when the Missouri Compromise was repealed and there was submitted therefor the Kansas and Nebraska bill, which made Kansas a Territory and allowed the settlement of a great national issue by the citizens of the local territory. Bloodshed, war, and strife were inevitable, and the facilities and conditions of these were enhanced

by the attitude of both North and South, as each section strove to send into this Territory the largest number of opposing fac tions on both sides of this great question.'

In this great struggle, while the rank and file of the people, as is usual, fought the battles and endured the hardships which made Kansas a free State, there were leaders in the Free State cause. Among others were the fanatic agitator and fighter, Brown, the fiery, erratic, and eloquent Lane, and the wise, conservative, and courageous Robinson.*

As the influence of the last named was perhaps greater in the founding and building of the State of Kansas than that of any other single individual of those who dwelt within its borders, he is made the central figure in the bit of history presented in this paper.

Robinson was well calculated for leadership of the people. He was of sturdy New England stock, a descendant of John Robinson, of Plymouth Company fame. He appeared in Kansas in June, 1854, as general agent of the Emigrant Aid Society of New England, whose purpose was to furnish Free-State settlers for the Territory of Kansas, to settle, to build homes, to establish freedom by living and voting, and, if necessary, by fighting. There were strong backers to this movement, among whom were Amos A. Lawrence, of Boston, and the intrepid Eli Thayer.

See annual report of American Historical Association: "Annals of an historic town," by F. W. Blackmar.

* Governor Charles Robinson was born at Hardwick, Mass., July 21, 1818. His father was a farmer; in politics a strong Abolitionist. The son was educated in the schools of Hardwick and at Amherst College. After taking a thorough medical course, he practiced his chosen profession at Belchertown and Fitchburg. At Springfield, Mass., he opened a hospital in connection with Dr. J. G. Holland. His health failing, he went to California in 1849, where he remained two years, returning in 1851. On the journey out he acted as physician to a Boston company; on his return he was shipwrecked on the coast of Mexico. While in California he became identified with the settlers and miners in their struggle against the "land grabbers," in which he took the part of the settlers. The settlers were victorious. Although Dr. Robinson was wounded and imprisoned, he was acquitted of all charges preferred and set at liberty, subsequently taking his seat in the California legislature, to which he was chosen while he was a prisoner. After returning to Massachusetts he was editor of the Fitchburg News for two years. Soon after he became agent of the New England Emigrant Aid Society, and entered Kansas in June, 1854. From that time on he was identified with the Free-State movement in KanHe died at his home near Lawrence, Kans., August 19, 1894.

sas.

Robinson's field was in Kansas, with occasional visits to the center of supplies for instructions. He had been through Kansas before, in 1849, along with a party of Bostonians on their way to California to seek gold; hence he knew something of the country. His thorough education in Massachusetts and his marked ability as a practicing physician prepared him for dealing with men; his experiences on his California trip and while in that State prepared him for leadership. On his way from St. Louis to Kansas he had fallen in with a class of emigrants from the South who were to be his enemies, and he thus found out something about the people with whom he was to come in contact in the future.

As a leader Robinson was always conservative. It is true he was stubborn, courageous to a fault; but not blindly partisan in anything. He was too intelligent and fair minded to follow a cause unless he was convinced that it was right. It was his conscientious adherence to a line of right conduct, according to the dictates of his conscience, which led his friends to accuse him of vacillation; but he was following a well-marked path of rectitude according to his own judgment. Parties and conditions might change from side to side; he would antagonize all or any of them if they came in his way. He was in Kansas to make Kansas a free State, and to this greater ideal he was ready at any time to subordinate or sacrifice smaller plans. Other men were better subjects for the orator, but not for the historian. His head was always clear, his judgment sure, his advice sound; and in the troubled condition of Kansas at this period these were essential qualities.

Strong partisan bias struck deep into the institutions and soil of Kansas. Much of the history of the State has been written from a basis of hero worship. Even to-day there are many conflicting statements concerning its early history, just as there were conflicting parties in the guerrilla warfare of those days. How could it have been otherwise, with the hustling of the thousands from the different parts of the country; with the incoming of Abolitionists, Free-State and Proslavery men, Whigs, Free-Soilers, National Democrats and local Democrats, and voting squatters? Every shade of political opinion was represented here. How could it have been otherwise, with eight governors appointed by the National Government within six years and the one Free State governor alongside, and within the same time the numerous conventions, the four State

constitutions, and the several different legislatures that were convened from time to time to exercise the will of the different factions? Combine with these discordant elements numerous aspirants for office, who were ready to use every condition and all men to satisfy their ambition, and you have a history which it will be difficult to trace correctly until time has worn away personal and party prejudice.

The phases of the Kansas struggle are many. At first there was a struggle for land-for position and standing room. This led to many personal and individual struggles, much injustice, and crime. Second, there was a struggle of towns for position and for government. There was a struggle of the Free-State and Proslavery marauding bands, sometimes called armies, which engaged in skirmishes which were sometimes called battles. There was the struggle of the Territorial government, with its numerous governors backed by the United States, against lawless enemies. Finally, there was the battle of the constitutional conventions and legislatures. This last phase represents the most important by far of the great events of early history, and it is in this that Robinson appears more prominent.

He had not failed to take an important part in the struggle for a town site by the settlers of Lawrence. Here we find him defending the interests of the settlers of the Bostonian party. His position as agent of the Emigrant Aid Society made him the natural defender and leader of the Free-State party, and as soon as it became necessary for organization we find him a leader against the opposition. Robinson was greatly impressed with the idea of making Kansas a free State. He was au organizer, a diplomat, a man who could measure men and parties. He knew when to keep still, when to speak, and how to give clear expression to his ideas.

The various followers and supporters of Brown, Lane, and Robinson have vied with each other in magnifying the deeds and character of their respective hero. Many of the unsettled points of Kansas history depend for their final verdict on the attitude of these three men, who have each in turn been called the savior of Kansas and the leader of the Free-State cause. Each has his place in the struggle, but, as Robinson well admits, it was the people who saved Kansas and not the leaders.

Lane came to Kansas as a politician, and he watched his opportunity well. His great object was to attain the United