dent Roosevelt explained to his Cabinet very clearly his opinion as to the part Federal officeholders should play in politics. They might vote just as they pleased, and they were not expected to keep their minds a blank, or sit by like mumchances while other men were temperately discussing questions of policy about which the national parties differed; but as servants of the whole people they were expected to be civil even to their adversaries, to do nothing which could be a cause of offense to the feelings of others, and in no way to obtrude their views where this would be indecorous. Above all, the rule was laid down that where a factional fight was going on within the Republican party, not one of these men must do anything to embroil the Administration with the Senators and Representatives with whom it must live and do business for four years.

Presently came along the municipal struggle in Philadelphia. Simultaneously there was one in the President's home city, New York. The President kept his hands severely off both. Seth Low, who was making the campaign for mayor in New York, was his old and valued friend, and doubtless a hunt through Mr. Low's private letter-files would show whether or not

OFFICE-HOLDERS IN POLITICS

Mr. Roosevelt, as a New Yorker, felt an interest in the fusion movement; but the public press and records might be searched in vain for a proof either pro or con. The luxury of participation which the President denied to himself and his Secretary of War in New York, was the measure of his restriction upon his subordinates in the Federal service in Philadelphia-even upon Postmaster-General Smith, a Philadelphian; and any one who knows how keenly Mr. Roosevelt enjoys what he calls a "brush" now and then must appreciate the extent of this self-sacrifice.

An officer of the postal service in Philadelphia who wished to go upon the stump in championship of the Quay machine's municipal ticket, took the precaution to ask the Postmaster-General's permission to do so. Mr. Smith answered that he must not; that he was at liberty to cast any ballot he preferred, but he must keep out of the public fight. McClain also consulted Mr. Smith, as a Philadelphian and an anti-Quay Republican, as to whether he had better take part against the machine ticket. The Postmaster-General advised him strongly in the negative, saying that he should himself abstain, for motives of decorum, from active

participation, though he should vote according to his conscience, and that every other Federal office-holder would be protected in the enjoyment of the same privilege. McClain thought the matter over, decided to have a slash at the organization with which he had regularly trained till they quarreled, and entered the campaign. The machine was victorious. When the time came to consider whether McClain should continue in office, Quay and his colleague put in a protest. McClain, they insisted, had gone out of his way to make himself offensive to them; the President, under the rule he had himself laid down to govern such cases, seemed to have but one thing left to do. Of course, McClain claimed to have been illtreated. But he had been warned that one who draws the sword must not whimper if marked to perish by the sword; he had seen fit to ignore the warning, and by parity of reasoning the President disregarded the whimper.

Who should take McClain's place? The Senators named a man. The President, who knew their candidate by reputation, dismissed the suggestion as not worth considering. Then McCoach was put forward. The President did not know him, so he allowed the name to

COLLEAGUES AT ODDS

slip into the newspapers and waited some days to watch the effect; but no charges were filed against the proposed appointee, beyond a reference to the fact that he had long been a friend of Quay's. This, however unfavorably it might affect a private mind, could hardly be put down as a public offense, for it would disqualify two-thirds of the United States Senate. Still, on general principles and without consenting to promise anything, the President required Quay and Penrose to bring him certificates of character for McCoach from prominent Philadelphians. The testimonials were soon forthcoming, bearing signatures of judges and business men, and McCoach's commission went to him by an early mail.

Once in a while the President gets tired of the bosses, whom, like the poor, he has always with him. It is bad enough when the Senators from a State agree in their recommendations, and he has to make himself accountable to the people of the country for the appointment of some man whom he has never seen, on the say-so of two other men whom he wishes he need not see so often. But when these two disagree in opinion and fall out personally, and run to him with their several grievances and backbitings,

his sarcasm is apt to come into play. One day a brace of such antagonists, whom I shall designate as A and B- came into his ante

room and waited for him through a very long and tedious hour. When he appeared they rose and greeted him simultaneously. As their quarrel had reached a stage where they were scarcely on speaking terms, they had taken seats on opposite sides of the room. He looked quizzically from one to the other, as if trying to recall something. Then he addressed Senator A―:

"You have come to see me about that postoffice?"

"Yes, Mr. President," answered the Senator.
"You still want Thompson appointed?"
"I do."

"Don't you know that Senator B-," gesturing with his thumb over his shoulder at A's hostile colleague, "says that Thompson ought to be in the penitentiary, and that he can produce the facts to prove it?"

"I know that, Mr. President; and I have here the evidence to show that Jones, whom my colleague is supporting, ought to be in the penitentiary. We might as well drop the penitentiary question."