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was mud in the route, and whether it interposed an obstacle to the march, than an official sitting in his study, and evidently bent on showing that there was nothing in the way to impede "the onward march of soldiers determined to do their duty."

1. Griffin.-"I know that the artillery which followed the brigade, that is, a carriage or two of the artillery which followed the brigade, got stuck in the mud, or in a little creek, and had trouble in getting out. (P. 161.)

2. Butterfield. In answer to a question by the Judge-Advocate, he said: "I know that after it had got to be about daylight, I went out to the head of my column, and I found a difficult place to cross-that there was difficulty in getting the troops across. I could see that it had been dark, and the troops had been impeded, but they began to go on more rapidly, as light broke.'

He was then asked again by the JudgeAdvocate to "state the character of the difficulty—the character of the place it mud or water, or what was it?" he answered:

was

And

"It was mud and water both-one of those streams that we almost always have to force troops over. In the daytime you could force them over very well-but at night, when it can not be seen, it is a very difficult thing to get men across such a place." (P. 187.)

This testimony of Butterfield is not even alluded to in the review. Then, unless Griffin and Butterfield swear falsely, (for mistake as to such facts was impossible,) notwithstanding the hypothesis of the Judge-Advocate, resting on the existence of dust on portions of the road, there was mud and water in other portions, and to an extent interposing obstacles "to the onward march of soldiers determined to do their duty." But, finally, on this head. Why is it, that Porter, alone of the command is accused of want of "haste or vigor"?

As commander of the entire corps, his duty was but to issue the necessary orders to his division commanders, for the march. And this they all say, was done. It was their duty to superintend the execution of

the orders. They are equally responsible for disregard of duty, as their immediate chief. He relied, as he had a right to rely, upon them to conduct the march with proper "haste" and "vigor.” He had every reason for such reliance. They had been under his command on many battlefields. He had seen them in the midst of countless perils, ever foremost in danger, unsurpassed in skill, and nobly devoted to duty. "To do their duty," he knew them to be "soldiers determined." If there was any failure, then, in the speed of the march, it is to be referred to them, and not to him." And yet, who has ever called their patriotism, or their efforts in regard to it, in question ? The Government certainly has not. They are now, and have been continuously, from the twenty-seventh of August, eighteen hundred and sixty-two, in its service, and on duty. To hold Porter responsible for their alleged misconduct, (for which, however, there is not the least ground,) and not only not even to censure them, but to keep them in honored commands, is an unequal measure of justice, that amounts to a gross and palpable wrong. One victim, however, was enough. To have sacrificed to the behest of party, or to the exigencies of an ill-planned campaign, and of an unfortunately selected Commander, Morell, Griffin and Butterfield, would have been too glaringly to have outraged public opinion, and it was not done. But the very omission of passing by these officers, and visiting upon their immediate chief, the sole responsibility for the asserted want of haste and vigor in the march of the twentyeighth of August, which, if it was true, was their fault, and not his, demonstrates the depth and the enormity of the injustice done to Porter.

SECOND SPECIFICATION-FIRST CHARGE.

II. The second specification of the first charge is, Porter's failure to obey the joint order to himself and McDowell of the twenty-ninth August, eighteen hundred' and sixty-two. That order was as follows: "HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF VIRGINIA,

CENTREVILLE, August 29th, 1862. "GENERALS MCDOWELL AND PORTER: "You will please move forward with your joint command towards Gainesville.

I sent General Porter written orders to that effect, an hour and a half ago. Heintzelman, Sigel, and Reno, are moving on the Warrenton turnpike, and must now be not far from Gainesville. I desire that as soon as communication is established between this force and your own, the whole command shall halt. It may be necessary to fall back behind Bull Run to night. I presume it will be so on account of our supplies.

"I have sent no orders of any description to Ricketts, and none to interfere in any way with the movement of General McDowell's troops, except what I sent by his aid-de-camp last night, which were to hold his position on the Warrenton pike, until the troops from here should fall on the enemy's flank and rear.

"I do not even know Ricketts's position, as I have not been able to find out where General McDowell was until a late hour this morning.

"General McDowell will take immediate steps to communicate with General Ricketts, and instruct him to join the other division of his corps as soon as practicable. If any considerable advantages are to be gained by departing from this order, it will not be strictly carried out. One thing must be held in view, that the troops must occupy a position, from which they can reach Bull Run to-night, or by morning. The indications are, that the whole force of the enemy is moving in this direction, at a pace that will bring them here by to-morrow night, or the next day. My own headquarters will for the present be with Heintzelman's or at this place.

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"JOHN POPE,
'Major-General Commanding."

I. The first inquiry on this head is, what, in one particular, was the meaning of the order? Was it that each of the two Generals was to act independently of each other, or that, being together when received, and being executed, they were to be governed by the sixty-second Article of War? This, as will be seen, is a material point, and was so considered by the Judge-Advocate. He endeavors to give it the former interpretation, and relies for that purpose mainly on Pope's evidence. Pope, he says, testified that his "intention" was, that they "should

act independently of each other, and each in direct subordination to himself." (P. 306.) But even with this assistance, he admits that the point is not clear. Ánx ious as he was to maintain that construction, he could not bring himself to say, in its support, more than that "under these circumstances, it may well be questioned" whether, under the Article of War referred to "General McDowell could continue the command which he had assumed over these joint forces." Here, again, as throughout, contrary to the universal rule, doubt, however reasonable, is to be solved to the prejudice of Porter. "Full weight," says Bennet, and all other authorities, is to be given "to every argument or presumption in favor of the prisoner." (P. 126.) Porter was, by the Court and Judge-Advocate, denied the benefit of this rule.

In fact, however, there is no room for doubt. The construction maintained by the Judge-Advocate as probable, is manifestly wrong.

II. To call to the aid of that construction Pope's oral proof before the Court, of his intention, is in violation of the bestestablished rules of evidence.

The order must be its own interpreter. To construe written matter by evidence aliunde, every professional man knows to be inadmissible. Nothing but confusion, mistake and injustice would be the result of such a course. And in this instance, to refer to Pope's evidence, given months after the order, not made known to McDowell and Porter. when they received it, or afterward, until he gave such evidence, is as absurd as it is unjust. How were either of them to know Pope's intention, except as the order disclosed it? He was twelve miles away from them. The order was received, without any explanation or message from Pope. His mind, his intent, they could but collect from the order itself; and certainly they could not foresee that, months afterward, Pope would seek to give it an intent, not only not consentaneous with, but contradictory with its terms. Pope is presumed to have known of the sixtysecond Article of War. If by that article, McDowell, as "the officer highest in rank," would have the right to “com

mand the whole," then, at least, in the absence of any direction from himself to the contrary, Pope is to be assumed to have so intended.

The different view taken by the JudgeAdvocate serves to deprive Porter of the defense to this specification, that in what he is charged to have done, or to have omitted, in supposed violation of this order, he acted under the command of General McDowell, his senior in rank.

The very fact that such a view is taken by the Judge-Advocate, satisfactorily shows, that he thought the opposite one would, upon the evidence, be a full answer to the specification. He seeks also to maintain his interpretation upon the further ground, that the article "excludes the idea of the presence of an officer superior in rank to those commanding the different corps of which it speaks." Certainly it does. But was Pope present when he gave the order? when it was received? or was being executed? The Judge-Advocate does not say he was, but does say he " was absent but a few miles." How many miles, he does not inform the President, or how many miles would, in his opinion, constitute absence and not presence. As the fact in this connection was material, he should have stated if he knew, and he ought to have known, the evidence being before him, how far off Pope was, that the President might judge, as he gave no opinion of his own to guide him, whether such distance was absence or not. Pope was at Centreville, a distance of twelve miles.

To

say then that he was present would seem to be absurd. The Article looks to present and immediate joint duty.

It was such duty that the order embraced: The two commands were to act together. The officers were told to "move forward with your joint command toward Gainesville." It contemplated its union with the forces of Heintzelman, Sigel, and Reno, and that that occurring, "the whole force should halt." They were also told, "that the troops (that is, all of them) must occupy a position from which they can reach Bull Run to-night or by morning." In the forward movement of the two corps, who was to command? Who to give the order to halt? Who to de

cide upon the position to be held to enable the command to reach Bull Run that night or morning?

The Article contemplates this very state of things, and provides for it. "If on marches," or "doing duty together" different corps of the army shall happen to join, the officer highest in rank of the line of the army, "shall command the whole, and give orders for what is needful to the service." No matter how the junction is brought about, when it exists, the Article embraces it, and establishes a positive rule, that "the officer highest in rank in the line of the army" is to command the whole with the single exception that it shall be "otherwise specially directed by the President of the United States." To hold that, under the circumstances of this joint command, what was to be done in executing the joint order, was to be done by Pope, who was twelve miles distant, upon the theory that he was, notwithstanding, to be considered present, every one will see is wholly untenable. How was he to judge when to move the command? when to halt, or what position to take with a view to retire to Bull Run that night or the next morning? These two corps were placed by the order and the sixty-second Article under the command of McDowell. No one but the President had the authority to take the command out of the operation of that Article. And even if Pope thought that he had the power, he did not attempt to exert it by the joint order.

II. The specification does not state in what particular the order was disobeyed. It only alleges that Porter "did then and there disobey."

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and King, was a violation of the joint order to himself and McDowell." (P. 308.)

As this is the only information we have of what was considered by the Court disobedience, it would be sufficient to confine these remarks to that point. But, as the Judge-Advocate has suggested many things, tending to disparage Porter in other particulars, these will be first noticed.

I. It is said, that when the two corps were together, and the front of Porter's column (his corps being in advance) "had reached some three miles beyond Bethlehem Church," "General McDowell then rode forward to the head of the column of the accused, when an interview and conference took place between them. They discussed the joint order, and General McDowell determined, for himself, that there were considerable advantages to be gained by departing from it," and by moving with his forces along the Sudley Springs road toward the field of a battle, then being fought by the main army of General Pope, at the distance of three or four miles. His purpose was to throw himself on the enemy's centre, and he wished the accused to attack his right flank. He then said to Porter: "You put your forces in here, and I will take mine up the Sudley Springs road on the left of troops engaged at that point with the enemy." (P. 307.)

From this statement, the reader will suppose that McDowell considered himself entitled to direct Porter's movement. The Judge-Advocate should at least be consistent with himself. If upon the theory that Pope was to be considered as present, Porter was not under McDowell's command, then the latter had no right to direct his movements. Of these Porter had the sole control, subject only to Pope.

If they were to "act independently of each other," (and the Judge-Advocate says they were to do so,) and that such was Pope's "intention," then if McDowell's alleged direction to Porter was given authoritatively, it was but intrusive. If on the contrary, as in this part of his review, the Judge-Advocate implies, a different opinion of their relation toward

each other, is the correct one, Porter was under the command of McDowell, then it is most important to ascertain what order, if any, was given by the latter to Porter. If he was subject to McDowell's command, (as it is confidently believed, and as in this part of his argument, is conceded by the Judge-Advocate,) then his duty in the execution of the joint order was to act in subordination to that officer. And if in doing so, the joint order was disobeyed, the offender was McDowell, not Porter. Where was McDowell, when he gave the order to Porter, and what was that order?

I. He was present with the joint command, and had the control of it. His leaving it afterward, and going with his own corps to another part of the field, in no way impairs the validity or effect of his prior order; whatever that was, Porter was bound to obey it.

II. If McDowell gave an order, what was it?

The Judge-Advocate would have us believe, that it was that Porter should attack "the enemy's right flank"-should put his "force in here," meaning, in front of the then locality of the two corps. He does not intimate even, that a word was uttered by McDowell contrary to this alleged order, and yet the proof is clear, (McDowell to the contrary, notwithstanding,) that there was an order, and not only that, but that the one alleged was not given at all.

I. Lieutenant-Colonel Locke, Chief of Porter's staff, and his Assistant AdjutantGeneral. He saw McDowell on the twenty-ninth, "on the ground where he had taken up our position in the direction of Gainesville, and near the Manassas Railroad," ""where Porter was forming his corps in line of battle." "He had made considerable progress in the disposition of his troops, a battery was in position, and the troops were being deployed. Skirmishers were being thrown out in front." On seeing it, McDowell said: "Porter, you are out too far already, this is no place to fight a battle." (P. 135.)

If this evidence is to be relied upon, I passed between us at that time. I can not (and this will soon be examined,) Porter say what language I used, or how it may was preparing for battle. He was not have been understood, whilst talking on then certainly providing for "the personal that point," (the joint order.) (Pp. 217, safety of (himself) and staff," as the re- 218.) viewer most charitably suggests, was his motive subsequently in another asserted movement on the same day.

2. Captain A. P. Martin, a Captain in the Third Massachusetts battery, commanding "Division Artillery of General Morell's division." He saw a meeting between McDowell and Porter, about eleven o'clock on the morning of the twentyninth, "on the road leading from Manassas Junction to Gainesville," and "at the head of the column," (Porter's.) Heard McDowell say to Porter: "PORTER, THIS IS NO PLACE TO FIGHT A BATTLE, YOU ARE OUT TOO FAR." Colonel Locke, he said was present, and within hearing at the time. Porter "had sent out skirmishers to the front, and the troops were moving, closing up apparently en masse, as I supposed, preparing to form a line of battle, which was afterward done. These movements were continued. The brigade that was leading were being disposed off, on the hill near where the conversation re

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ferred to, had taken place-one brigade, and one battery moved off to the right shortly after, evidently preparing to form on the right of the brigade on the hill. I went with the battery that moved to the right, to see the position. One battery was placed where the conversation was held, about that time." (P. 144.)

He stated also, that he thought the conversation related chiefly to Pope's joint order. It is then, but a failure to remember whether he did or not tell Porter what Locke and Martin positively testified. Non me recordo. In using this phrase, a classic one, since the trial of England's former Queen, it is not intended to intimate, that it was the purpose of McDowell to conceal what he did know, but merely to show that his evidence rebutted nothing, but merely proved a want of memory, as to the fact that he was called to rebut. Every lawyer, every man of sense, knows, that such evidence has not a feather's weight against positive proof. Intelligent experience ever discards it as wholly unreliable. If, in this instance, influence was given to it, it is but another proof of the weakness to which prejudice has reduced the minds of the Court.

The state of things then existing at eleven A.M., on the twenty-ninth, was:

I. That Porter was preparing for battle at the point where McDowell and he met. That his corps were all placed by his order, or were being placed in position for that purpose.

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II. That he was told by McDowell, that he was not to fight there, the place not being a proper one for a battle, and that "he was too far advanced." Dowell supposed he was too far forward, that his position was an unfit one, and, of course, a dangerous one, for a conflict, and yet it is insinuated by the Judge-Advocate, that he retreated an hour or two only afterward, on the same day, for the degrading and cowardly purpose of securing "the personal safety of (himself) and staff." (P. 308.)

Both of these witnesses were unimpeached by evidence as to character or otherwise, and in their cross-examination, the Judge-Advocate made no attempt to weaken their testimony. Not a question was propounded, suggesting even a possibility that they could be mistaken. And when McDowell was recalled for the purpose, in part, of rebutting this evidence, he was only asked by the Judge-Advocate, if Was ever a party dealt with so unjustly? he had or not, "recollection of having said Could it have been thought possible, that to Porter," at his interview with him on a gallant officer, who in the many battles the twenty-ninth, (he had admitted the through which he had passed, was always fact of the interview,) what was sworn to in the front, or where danger was greatest by Locke and Martin, and his answer was: devoting his energies, and periling his "I can not recollect precisely what occurred, life for the honor and existence of his or what conversation, and what words country, whilst the Judge-Advocate was

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