JAMES MADISON, ESQ.

Fourth President of the United States.

THE subject of this memoir was born in Orange County, in the state of Virginia, March 5th, 1750, O. S. His parents were the descendants of the earliest and most respectable inhabitants of the state. He was, at an early age, as is the custom in most of the middle and southern states, placed under the care and tuition of a private classical instructor, of the name of Robertson, in King and Queen County. His progress, in the studies prescribed for him, were such that at the age of fourteen, he was removed to Princeton College, New-Jersey, where he completed his education. Soon afterwards he was admitted to the bar, where he was distinguished for his talents, and the fidelity with which he discharged his duty towards his clients.

But a wider field, for the exercise of honourable ambition, was soon opened to his view. The discontents and contensions between the colonies and Great Britain, had already arrived to an alarming height; and the time seemed to be rapidly approaching, when the States would be called upon either to defend their rights and liberties, by the force of arms, or tamely submit as slaves, to lawless and tyrannical power.

At the age of twenty-three, he commenced his career of public life, by being elected a member of the Virginia Legislature. In the year 1775, in the fulness of youthful arfour and enterprise, he joined a volunteer company, raised

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Orange County, and placed himself among the foremost f those gallant-spirited Virginians, who nobly contended for heir country's rights. In 1776, he was unanimously electd one of the council of his native state. In this situation e particularly distinguished himself, and at once attracted, y the purity of his character and the superiority of talents, le attention and admiration of his fellow-citizens. ntinued in the council, or state legislature, until he was ected a member of the old congress, where he continued, ider the old confederation and present constitution, until e year 1800, it being the third year of Mr. Adams' admintration. He then retired from public life; but such qualcations as he possessed, both as an individual and a stater

man, were not permitted to remain unemployed; he was, within a year after, by an unanimous vote of his own district, chosen a member of the Virginia Assembly, which, at that time, was decidedly opposed to the course of policy pursued by the national government. Several important resolutions were passed during this session of the assembly, strongly condemning many of the most prominent measures adopted by congress; among these, were those on the alien and se dition laws, commonly called Madison's resolutions, which at the time, created great excitement throughout the country

The period had now arrived, when Mr. Madison was to be called to occupy a still higher and more responsible office in the councils of his country, than he had ever heretofore filled. A revolution in politics had taken place. The re publican party had succeeded in the choice of Mr. Jefferson as President of the United States, in the place of Mr. Adams A new cabinet was to be formed from among the able and distinguished men of the nation, who had so successfully struggled against what they considered an overbearing and aristocratic administration. Mr. Madison was selected, by Mr. Jefferson, to be Secretary of State, the first and mos important office in the gift of the executive. His talents an industry had rendered him peculiarly qualified for the dis charge of the duties of this highly important trust. Possess ed of an ample patrimony, he had, for many years, notwith standing his public avocations, found leisure to devote himsel to the study of politics as a science; and few men bette understood the relations of this country with foreign power or more fully comprehended the true construction of th constitution of the United States. He had participated all the discussions preliminary to its adoption, and had e erted every effort to render it acceptable to the people. I order to explain, to enlighten and instruct his countryme on the provisions of this invaluable instrument, he in co junction with two of the ablest statesmen and patriots, whic this or any other country could boast, Alexander Hamilto and John Jay, published the celebrated work called “ T Federalist;" which is now, both in this and foreign nation considered as one of the ablest political productions whi has ever appeared in any age or country. While in co gress, after the adoption of the constitution, he distinguis ed himself as a champion, no less of religious, than of ci liberty; and though enthusiastic in the support of the f eral government, as established, he was particularly anxio

to preserve the rights of the several states, which were not expressly surrendered to the general government. Consequently, in the debates which took place in that body, on all questions relating to the great principles upon which the union of the United States were founded, he was remarked for the nice discriminations, which he constantly made, between the relative powers of the state and general governments; in all of which, he was recognised as the able and patriotic advocate of the rights and privileges of the people. While in congress, Mr. Madison was no less distinguished for the urbanity and amiableness of his manners and deportment, than for his superior abilities. Unostentatious and retiring, he never wounded the pride or vanity of others, but established, among his colleagues, the most durable and cordial friendships. His approach to popularity, in a national point of view, was gradual, and entirely through the intrinsic force of his intellect. Both his writings and speeches, during this period, were as refreshing to an intelligent community as they were soothing and healing in the irrations of controversy. He was every where recognised as the faithful and able statesman; and what is still more decisive in his favour, he constantly enjoyed the moral support of the better part of society. To use the language of one of his cotemporaries in congress: so pure were his motives, sQ universally salutary were his aims, that he made no personal enemies; and even in the heat of party strife, he secured the respect of his opponents."

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Such were the qualifications and character of Mr. Madi- i son, when he was called to the department of state by Mr. Jefferson. Party spirit, at this time, and during the several succeeding years, in which he discharged the duties of this highly responsible office, was perhaps never more highly excited. All Europe was involved in war. And such was the extremity to which Great Britain and France carried on their bloody conflicts, that they had alternately violated the fundamental maxims of maritime hostility; and neutral commerce, which was during this convulsed period, principally carried on by the United States, become entrapped or sacrificed, by the arbitrary regulations adopted by each of these two powerful nations. Mr. Madison therefore, found that all his faculties and attention were called to the performance of high and extraordinary duties. Questions continually arose which required profound researches into the elements of the law of nations, and for the correct ex3

position and security of the rights of his country, he had to contend with the most experienced and accomplished ministers in Europe. England, as she was more powerful on the ocean, than any other nation, had committed the greatest and most frequent aggressions on the sovereign rights of the United States. As early as the summer of 1804, a British frigate, the Cambrian, with other cruizers in company, while the two countries were at peace, actually entered the harbour of New-York, and her commander, in violation of the laws, relative both to health and revenue, caused a merchant vessel just arrived, and admitted to be within the limits and under the authority of the United States, to be boarded by persons under his command, and who, after resisting the officers of the port, in the legal execution of their duties, actually impressed and carried off a number of seamen and passengers in British ships of war. This was not only a flagrant insult to the sovereignty of the nation, but a palpable infraction on its neutrality also, which did not permit a belligerent ship, to augment in this manner, its force, within a neutral territory. And this was not all; the commander of the Cambrian went so far as to declare, in his official capacity to the government of the United States, that he considered his ship, whilst lying in the harbour of New-York, as having dominion around her within the distance of her buoys. Various other irregularities and encroachments of British ships of war, had both before and after this period, taken place; and a detailed statement of them, in the just expectation of honorable reparation, was made to the British government, but none was ever offered. So far from it, that even the captain who committed these outrages, was advanced from a frigate to the command of a ship of the line. Other outrages upon the peace and sovereignty of the United States followed in rapid succession. Among the most important were those directed by Captain Whitby, of the frigate Leander. He, as superior in command of several British frigates, had for a long time, vexed and harassed the inward and outward trade of our ports, and finally, to close a series of lawless conduct, he attempted to arrest a coasting vessel in the harbour of New-York, by which an American citizen was killed by a cannon ball, which entered the vessel whilst lying within less than a mile from the shore. It can easily be imagined, that the sensibility of the American people was aroused from one end of the country to the other, at this bloody act, committed within the sanctuary of her own territorial jurisdiction. A solemn

appeal to the justice of Great Britain was made, with a demand that the offender should receive the exemplary punishment which he so richly deserved; and that there might be no failure of legal proof of a fact sufficiently notorious of itself, the most unexceptionable witnesses to establish it, were sent to Great Britain, at the expense of the United States. Yet after all, the British Captain was not only acquitted, but promoted, and no apology or explanation was ever made by that government, as a conciliatory offering to the disappointment of this country, at such a result.

It was not long after this deliberate insult was offered to the rights and sovereignty of our country, before another of an extraordinary character occurred. In the month of September, 1806, the Impeteur, a French ship of 74 guns, was run aground within a few hundred yards of the shore of North Carolina, and of course was visibly within the territorial jurisdiction and hospitable protection of the United States. While in this distressing situation, she was fired upon, boarded and burnt by several British ships of war, then hovering around the coast. Having completed this, in addition to other outrages on the sovereignty and neutrality of the United States, the British commander proceeded with his fleet into the waters near Norfolk; and although enjoying every hospitality which one friendly people could afford to another, he refused to discharge from his ships, the impressed American seamen, acknowledged to be such, on the ground that the government of the United States had refused to surrender to Admiral Berkley, certain seamen alleged to be British deserters-a demand which it was well understood the British government disclaimed any right to make, knowing that it was not warranted either by mutual treaties or the law of nations. This insult was aggravated, from the very circumstance, that not half a century had elapsed, since, in consequence of a similar violation of neutral territory, by the destruction of certain French ships on the coast of Portugal, by a British squadron under the command of a favourite British Admiral, the Court of Great Britain despatched a minister extraordinary for the express purpose of expiating the aggression on the sovereignty of a friendly power.

In

consequence of these repeated insults and injuries, the well known proclamation was published, interdicting to them the use and privileges of the harbours and waters of the United States. This proclamation was dated July 2, 1807,