This fcandalous Charge, which Manning on his Trial confeffed to be true, is less surprising, than the Lenity of the Sentence pronounced against him. It was this, that though he deserved Death, yet because he had since the Surrender, been in England, and feen the King and the Duke, it was adjudged that his Sword should be broke over his Head in Publick, before the City Hall, and himself rendered incapable of wearing a Sword, and of ferving his Majefty for the future, in any publick Truft in the Govern

ment.

This light Cenfure, is however no Proof, that Sir Edmond was a Man of a merciful Disposition; the Hiftorians of New-England, where he was afterwards Governour, justly tranfmit him to Pofterity, under the odious Character of a fycophantic Tool to the Duke, and an arbitary Tyrant over the People commited to his Care. He knew no Law, but the Will of his Master, and Kirk and Jefferies were not fiter Inftruments than he to execute the defpofitic Projects of James II.

In the Year 1675, Nicholas Renflaer, a Dutch Clergyman arrived here. He claimed the Manor of Renflaerwick, and was recommended by the Duke to Sir Edmond Androfs for a Living in one of the Churches at New-York, or Albany, probably to serve the Popish Caufe*. Niewenhyt, Minifter of the Church at Albany, difputed his Right to adminifter the Sacraments, because he had received an Epifcopal Ordination, and was not approved by the Claffis of Amfterdam, to which the Dutch Churches here hold themselves fubordinate. In this Controverfy the Governour took the Part of Renflaer, and accordingly fummoned Niewenbyt before him, to answer for his Conduct. This Minifter was treated with fuch fingular Contempt, and fo frequently haraffed, by fruitlefs and expenfive Attendances before the Council, that the Dispute became interefting, and the greater Part of the People refented the Ufage he met with. Hence we find, that the Magiftrates of Albany, foon after imprifoned Renflaer, for feveral dubious Words (as they are called in the Record) delivered in a Sermon. The Governour, on the other hand, ordered him to be releafed, and fummoned the Magiftrates to attend him

* Another Reafon is affigned for the Favour he met with from the Crown. It is faid, that while Charles II. was an Exile, he predicted the Day of his Restoration. The People of Albany had a high Opinion of his prophetick Spi it, and many ftrange Tales about him ftill prevail there. The Parfon made nothing of his Claim, the Manor being afterwards granted, by Colonel

Dongan to Killian Van Renflaer, a diftant Relation. This extenfive Tract, by the Dutch called a Colony, is an Oblong extending 24 Miles upon Hudson's River, and as many on each Side. The Patent of Confirmation was iflued by fpecial Direction from the King, and is the moft liberal in the Privileges it grants of any One in the Province.

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at New-York, Warrants were then iffued to compel them to give Security in 5000 each, to make out good Caufe for confining the Minister. l Leifler, who was one of them, refused to comply with the Warrant, and was thrown into Jail. Sir Edmond, fearful that a great Party would rife up against him, was at laft compelled to difcontinue his Ecclefiaftical Jurifdiction, and to refer the Controverfy to the Determination of the Confiftory of the Dutch Church at Albany. It is perhaps not improbable, thất thefe popish Measures, fowed the Seeds of that Averfion to the Duke's Government, which afterwards produced thofe violent Convulfions in the Province under Leifler, at the Time of the Revolution, in Favour of the Prince of Orange.

If Sir Edmond Androfs's Administration at New-York, appears to be less exceptionable, than while he commanded at Bofton, it was through want of more Opportunities to fhew himself in his true Light. The main Course of his publick Proceedings, during his Continuance in the Province, was spent in the ordinary Acts of Government, which then principally confisted in paffing Grants to the Subject, and prefiding in THE COURT OF ASSIZE, established by Colonel Lovelace. The publick Exigencies were now in Part fupplied by a kind of Benevolence; the Badge of bad Times! This appears in an Entry on the Records, of a Letter of May the 5th, 1676, from Governour Androẞs, to feveral Towns on Long Island, defiring to know, what Sums they would contribute towards the War. Near the Clofe of his Administration, he thought proper to quarrel with Philip Carteret, who in 1680, exercised the Government of East Jerfey, under a Commiffion from Sir George Carteret, dated the 31st of July, 1675, Androfs difputed his Right, and feized and brought him Prifoner to New-York; for which it is faid he loft his own Government, but whoever confiders that Sir Edmond was immediately prefered to be Governour of Bolton, will rather believe, that the Duke fuperfeded him for fome other Reasons.

Before I proceed to the fucceeding Administration, in which our Indian Affairs began to have a powerful Influence upon the publick Meafures, it may not be improper to prefent the Reader with a fummary View of the History and Character of the Five Nations *. These, of all those innumerable Tribes of Savages, which inhabit the northern Part of America, are of moft Importance to us and the French, both on Account of their Vicinity

By the Dutch called Maquaas, by the French Iroquois, and by us, Five Nations, Six Nations, and lately the Confederates. They are greatly

diminished, and confift now only of about Twelve hundred fighting Men.

and

and warlike Difpofition. Before the late Incorporation of the Tufcaroras, a People driven by the Inhabitants of Carolina from the Frontiers of Virginia, they confifted of Five confederate Cantons*. What in particular gave Rife to this League, and when it took Place, are Questions which neither the Natives, nor Europeans, pretend to anfwer. Each of thefe Nations is di-vided into three Families, or Clans, of different Ranks, bearing for their Arms, and being distinguished by the Names of, the Tortoife, the Bear, and the Wolf +

No People in the World perhaps have higher Notions than these Indians of military Glory. All the furrounding Nations have felt the Effects of their Prowess; and many not only became their Tributaries, but were fo fubjugated to their Power, that without their Confent, they durft not com- mence either Peace or War.

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Though a regular Police for the Prefervation of Harmony within, and the Defence of the State against Invafions from without, is not to be expected from the People of whom I am now writing, yet perhaps, they have paid more Attention to it than is generally allowed. Their Government is fuited to their Condition. A People whofe Riches confift not fo much in abundance, as in a freedom from Want ; who are circumfcribed by no. Boundaries, who live by Hunting, and not by Agriculture, must always be free, and therefore fubject to no other Authority, than fuch as confists with the Liberty neceffarily arifing from their Circumstances. All their Affairs, whether refpecting Peace or War, are under the Direction of their Sachems, or chief Men. Great Exploits and publick Virtue procure the Efteem of a People, and qualify a Man to advise in Council, and execute the Plan concerted for the Advantage of his Country: thus whoever appears to the Indians in this advantageous Light, commences a Sachem without any other Ceremony.

As there is no other Way of arriving at this Dignity, fo it ceafes, unless an uniform Zeal and Activity for the common Good, is uninterruptedly continued. Some have thought it hereditary, but that is a Mistake. The Son is indeed, respected for his Father's Services, but without perfonal Merit, he can never share in the Government; which were it otherwise, must fink

* The Tuscaroras were received upon a Suppofition, that they were originally of the fame Stock with the Five Nations, becaufe there is fome Similitude between their Languages.

+ Their Inftruments of Conveyances are figned by Signatures, which they make with a Pen, reprefenting thefe Animals.

An Indian, in Anfwer to his Queftion, What the white People meant by Covetousness? was told by another, that it fignified, a Defire of more than a Man had need of. THAT'S STRANGE! faid the Querift.

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into perfect Difgrace. The Children of fuch as are diftinguished for their Patriotism, moved by the Confideration of their Birth, and the perpetual Incitements to Virtue conftantly inculcated into them, imitate their Father's Exploits, and thus attain to the fame Honours and Influence; which accounts for the Opinion that the Title and Power of Sachem is hereditary.

Each of these Republicks has its own particular Chiefs, who hear and determine all Complaints in Council, and though they have no Officers for the Execution of Justice, yet their Decrees are always obeyed, from the general Reproach that would follow a Contempt of their Advice. The Condition of this People exempts them from Factions, the common Disease of popular Governments. It is impoffible to gain a Party amongst them by indirect Means; for no Man has either Honour, Riches, or Power to bestow *. All Affairs which concern the general Interest are determined in a great Affembly of the Chiefs of each Canton, ufually held at Onondaga, the Center of their Country. Upon Emergencies they act feparately, but nothing can bind the League but the Voice of the general Convention.

The French, upon the Maxim, divide & impera, have tried all poffible Means to divide thefe Republicks, and fometimes have even fown great Jealoufies amongst them. In confequence of this Plan, they have feduced many Families to withdraw to Canada, and there fettled them in regular Towns, under the Command of a Fort, and the Tuition of Miffionaries.

The Manners of these Savages are as fimple as their Government. Their Houses are a few crotched Stakes thruft into the Ground, and over-laid with Bark. A Fire is kindled in the Middle, and an Aperture left at the Top for the Conveyance of the Smoke. Whenever a confiderable Number of those Huts are collected, they have a Castle, as it is called, confifting of a Square without Bastions, furrounded with Pallifodoes. They have no other Fortification; and this is only defigned as an Afylum for their old Men, their Wives and Children, while the reft are gone out to War. They live almost entirely without Care. While the Women, or Squaws cultivate a little Spot of Ground for Corn, the Men employ themselves in Hunting. As to Clothes, they use a Blanket girt at the Waist, and thrown loosely over

* The learned and judicious Author of The Spirit of Laws, fpeaking of a People who have a fixed Property in Lands, obferves, "That if a "Chief would deprive them of their Liberty, "they would immediately go and feek it under "another, or retire into the Woods, and live "there with their Families." The Five Nations

can never be enflaved, till they grow rich by Agriculture and Commerce. Property is the moft permanent Bafis of Power. The Authority of a Sachem depending only upon his Reputation for Wifdom and Courage, must be weak and precarious, and therefore fafe to the People.

their Shoulders; fome of their Women indeed have, befides this, a Sort of a Petticoat, and a few of their Men wear Shirts; but the greater Part of them are generally half naked. In Winter, their Legs are covered with Stockings of Blanket, and their Feet with Socks of Deer Skin. Many of them are fond of Ornaments, and their Tafte is very fingular. I have seen Rings affixed, not only to their Ears, but their Nofes. Bracelets of Silver and Brafs round their Wrifts, are very common. The Women. plait their Hair, and tie it up behind in a Bag, perhaps in Imitation of the French Beaus in Canada. Though the Indians are capable of fuftaining great Hardships, yet they cannot endure much Labour, being rather fleet, than ftrong. Their Men are taller than the Europeans, rarely corpulent, always beardless*, ftreight limbed, of a tawny Complection, and black uncurled Hair. In their Food they have no Manner of Delicacy, for though Venifon is their ordinary Diet, yet fome times they eat Dogs, Bears, and even Snakes. Their Cookery is of two Kinds, boiled or roafted; to perform the Latter, the Meat is penetrated by a fhort fharp Stick fet in the Ground, inclining towards the Fire, and turned as Occafion requires. They are hofpitable to Strangers, though few Europeans would relish their highest Favours of this Kind, for they are very nasty both in their Garments and Food. Every Man has his own Wife, whom he takes and leaves at Pleasure : a Plurality, however, at the fame time, is by no means admited amongst them. They have been generally commended for their Chastity, but I am informed by good Authority, that they are very lascivious, and that the Women, to avoid Reproach, frequently deftroy the Fœtus in the Womb. They are fo perfectly free, that unless their Children, who generally affift the Mother, may be called Servants, they have The Men frequently associate themselves for Conversation, by which Means they not only preferve the Remembrance of their Wars, and Treaties, but diffuse among their Youths, Incitements to military Glory, as well as Inftruction in all the Subtilties of War.

none.

Since they became acquainted with the Europeans, their warlike Apparatus is a Musket, Hatchet †, and a long Knife. Their Boys ftill accustom themselves to Bows and Arrows, and are fo dextrous in the Ufe of them, that a Lad of Sixteen, will ftrike an English Shilling five times in ten

*Because they pluck out the Hairs. The French Writers, who fay they have naturally no Beards, are mistaken; and the Reafons they affign for it are ridiculous.

+ Hence, to take up the Hatchet, is with them a Phrafe fignifying to declare War; as on the contrary to bury it, denotes the Establishment of a Peace.

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