debt, not including trust-funds, is only $500,000.

A tax of $1.60 upon each person will pay the public debt and meet the current expenses for a year. (Testimony, (Testimony, page 8.) Attorney-General Harris makes the following statement in regard to taxation for the period of twenty-six years. He says:

"Take, for example, twenty years of democratic rale in Mississippi, and see what amount of money their own records show were expended, and they held uninterrupted sway, as we can best ascertain from the reports of the auditor and treasurer, made to biennial sessions of their Legislature. Take the twenty years from 1850 to 1870 and compare it with six years of republican rule, from 1870 to 1975, inclusive, the following is shown;

$863,536 55 1,824,181 75 8,810,894 54 2,210,794 23 5,446,732 06 1,410,250 13 1,880,809 83 625,817 20 | 525,078 80 483,219 71

20,208,894 95 5,623,741 49 Total expenditures for twenty years, 25,832,640 44 Now, take the republican administration for six years. Expenditures for -

$953,030 00
908,330 00
818,259 00

$320,000

36,700

100,000

12,500

469,200

Taking this from the average, $992,920.96, leaves 8523,720.9%. These were necessary expenses, never incurred by a democratic administration. The only common-school system in the State before the war seemed to be a well-organized system to squander the school fund of the State as rapily ag the same was donated to the State by the Government, as the history of the fund will show. Take these items from the annual expenditures of the six years of republican administration, and the average is reduced per year to $523,720.96 90 thus showing the average annual expense of the republican administration to be, on the old basis of State expenses, actually $75,480 less than the average expenses under the democratic rule of twenty years, with less than one-half of the citizens to be governed, and at a time when expendi tures everywhere were largely in advance of former years. Many other items of extraordinary expenses have been incurred since January, 1870, not included in these statements.

"This, I think, shows a fair statement of the expenditures for the last twenty-six years, twenty years of democratic rule and six years of republi. can rule.

"The taxes have been increased and decreased for the various State purposes, for the six youṛD alluded to, as follows: 1870,5 mills on the dollar; in 1871 it was 4 mills; in 1872, 814 mills; in 1878, it was 12 mills; in 1874, it was 14 mills; in 1875, it was 2,479,619 0094 mills. In the last three years there was a 8,478,906 78 school tax as follows: 1873 and 1974 a school tax of 4 mills, and for 1875, 2 mills. This is included in the above estimate, and the counties were restricted in their levies for county purposes as follows: By act of 1872 the counties were prohibited from levying a tax which, with the State and school tax added, shall not exceed 25 mills on the dollar, and in 1875 they wore restricted to 20 mills on the dollar.

5,957,525 78 "Total expenditures for six years, $5,957,525.78. "The twenty years of democratic administration show an annual average of $1,291,832.32. The six years of republican administration show an an. Hual average of $992,920.96.

"It seems that the real complaint of the people of the State, as to the burden of taxation, grows out of the fact that the taxable property of the State is, in the main, unproductive; and to evade the tax the tax-payers, in giving their property to the assessor, place it far below its actual value, and continue year after year to reduce the taxablé values of the property."

The statements made by Hon. G. E. Harris, attorney-general, Captain H. T. Fisher, and Mr. E. Barksdale are referred to as presenting both sides of the case, and furnishing the best means at the command. of the committee for a just judgment.

"This may be claimed to be unfair, asit embraces four years of the war; but, for the sake of fairness, let us strike out the four years of the war, or the amount expended during those four years, 1861, 1862, 1863, and 1884, and add in lieu thereof the amount expended in 1860, 5663,536.55, and we have an expenditure of $12,184,019.08, or an annual average of $699,200.95, as against $992,920.98. From this it would appear that the republican administration has been more expensive than the democratic administration; but there are several reasons for this: Before the war the taxes were paid in gold and silver, and everything much cheaper than since the war; and in January, 1870, when the republicans came into power, the State warrants were worth about sixty or sixty-five cents on the dollar; the capitol and mansion were dilapidated; the penitentary and lunatic asylum were too small, and had to be extended and repaired, and all the Improvements cost nearly two prices, because pay. ments were made in warrants at their reduced value. And the judiciary system was rendered more expensive to the State by dispensing with the probate court, the expenses of which had been formerly paid by the counties; this jurisdiction was given to the chancery court, and the number of citizens had more than doubléd, and all departments of State government rendered necessarily In the opinion of the committee, those more expensive. And, again, the school system errors and wrongs, if admitted to the exhas been carried on at an expense very large, a tent claimed, furnish no justification what thing that had never existed before the war. The penditures for school purposes in the six years ever for the outrages and crimes establish. have been about $320,000 per annum. Let us added by the testimony.

The testimony taken tends to show that those who participated in the means by which the election of 1875 was carried by the democratic party rely, for justification, upon the facts of maladministration, as set forth in the testimony submitted with this report.

These organizations were the instruments also by which numerous murders were committed upon persons who were then active, or who had been active, in the republican party.)

It is also alleged in justification of the acts of intimidation, and of the crimes committed during the canvass and at the election, that Governor Ames had organized, or attempted to organize, a force, termed the negro militia. At the time of By the terms of the peace conference enthe riot at Clinton, on the 4th of Septem-tered into by General J. Z. George, the ber, 1875, which resulted in the death of at | chairman of the democratic State commitleast thirty persons, there was no military tee, and Governor Ames, on the 13th of organization in the State. The sum of October, 1875, the attempt to organize the $60,000 had been appropriated by the Leg- militia was abandoned, General George on islature at its preceding session, for the his part agreeing to secure a peaceful elecorganization and support of a military tion and the full and free enjoyment of the force; and the event at Clinton, in con- elective franchise by every citizen. The nection with the fact of disturbances in stipulation on the part of the governor other portions of the State, led Governor was faithfully kept, but the promise made Ames to attempt its organization. At the by General George was systematically dissame time he issued the following procla- regarded by the democrats in the larger mation: portion of the State.

PROCLAMATION.

STATE OF MISSISSIPPI, EXECUTIVE OFFICE, Jackson, September 7, 1875. Whereas persons have formed themselves into military organizations in various parts of the State without sanction of law, and such organizations are moved to the support of each other from point to point in counties and from one county to another without the approval or consent of the peace officers of such counties, and without the knowledge or authority of the State Government, and Whereas such organizations have overthrown the civil government in Yazoo county, set it at defiance in Hinds county, and created distrust and fear in Warren and other counties, causing the loss of many lives, and compelling many per sons to flee from their homes; and Whereas such action has already caused great injury to the interests of the people, and, if per. sisted in, will result in incalculable evil: of

Now, therefore, I, Adelbert Ames, Governor the State of Mississippi, do hereby make proclamation and command all persons belonging to such organizations to disband forthwith; and I hereby require all citizens to render obedience to and assist the peace officers of the various counties in the preservation of peace and order and the enforce

ment of the laws of the State.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the great seal of the State of Mississippi to be affixed, this the 7th day of September, A. D. 1875.

JAMES BILL, Secretary of State.

Some of the officers selected by him were native-born white citizens who had served in the late war on the side of the confederates, and be solicited and accepted recruits from the white as well as from the black population. (See testimony of General Hurst, page 87.)

The outrages perpetrated by the white people in the canvass and on the day of election find no justification whatever in the acts or the policy of Governor Ames concerning the State militia..

This effort on the part of the governor, it is now claimed, was the occasion seized by the democrats for organizing and arming themselves, ostensibly to resist the black militia; but, in fact, such organization had been effected previously, as is shown by the testimony concerning the Clinton riot, and in the end it became the means by which the colored inhabitants and the white republicans of the State were overawed, intimidated, and deprived of their rights as citizens. (See testimony of Hon. H. Swann. pages 307, 308; W. A. Montgomery, page 546; and others.)

The effort on his part to organize the militia for the preservation of the public peace seems to the committee to have been not only lawful but proper, and the course of the democrats in organizing and arming themselves to resist the governor in his efforts to preserve the public peace was unlawful, and the proceedings should have been suppressed by the State authorities if possible, and, in case of failure on their part, by the Government of the United States.

The constitution of the State provides that the militia shall consist of the ablebodied male citizens between the age of eighteen years and the age of forty-five years, and the Legislature provided for its organization by an act passed at its first session in the year 1870. It was the duty of the governor to use the militia for the suppression of such riots as those of Vicksburgh and Clinton, and this without regard to the question whether the white or the black race was most responsible therefor.

In the opinion of the committee the riot at Clinton was in harmony with the policy previously adopted by democrats in that vicinity, and designed to intimidate and paralyze the republican party. The testimony shows that the riot was inauguràted by a body of eight or ten young men from Raymond, who acted, apparently, under the advice of the Raymond Gazette, a democratic newspaper, edited by G. W. Harper, an aged and highly respected man, according to the testimony of Frank Johnston, W. A. Montgomery, (page 550,) and others.

The riot occurred September 4, and the Raymond Gazette, as early as June or July, gave this advice :

"There are those who think that the leaders of the radical party have carried this system of

fraud and falsehood just far enough in Hinds ounty, and that the time has come when it should be stopped-peaceably if possible, forcibly if neessary. And to this end it is proposed that whenever a radical pow-wow is to be held the nearest anti-radical club appoint a committee of

the political advantages of their conduct, and are in a large degree responsible for the criminal results.

ten discreet, intelligent and reputable citizens,
uly identified with the interests of the neigh-
orhood and well known as men of veracity, to
attend as representatives of the tax-payers of the
neighborhood and county, and true friends of the
negroes assembled, and that whenever the radi-
cal speakers proceed to mislead the negroes, and
open with falsehoods and deceptions and misrep-workmen
resentations, the committee stop them right then
and there, and compel them to tell the truth or
quit the stand."

Nor do these outrages find any excuse in the statement made repeatedly by witnesses, that the negroes were organizing or threatened or contemplated organizing themselves into military bands for the destruction of the white race. The evidence shows conclusively that there were not only no such organizations, but that the negroes were not armed generally; that those who had arms were furnished with inferior and second-hand weapons, and that their leaders, both religious and political, had discountenanced a resort to force. Many rumors were current among the whites that the negroes were arming and massing in large bodies, but in all cases these rumors had no basis.

In a sentence it may be asserted that all the statements made that there was any justifiable cause for the recent proceedings in Mississippi are without foundation.

(2.) There was a general disposition on the part of white employers to compel the laborers to vote the democratic ticket. This disposition was made manifest by newspaper articles, by the resolutions of conventions, and by the declarations of land-owners, planters and farmers to the Workmen whom they employed, and by the incorporation in contracts of a provision that they should be void in case the negroes voted the republican ticket.

(3.) Democratic clubs were organized in all parts of the State, and the able-bodied members were also organized, generally into military companies, and furnished with the best arms that could be procured in the country. The fact of their existence was no secret, although persons not in sympathy with the movement were excluded from membership. Indeed their object was more fully attained by public declarations of their organization in connection with the intention, everywhere expressed, that it was their purpose to carry the election at all hazards.

In many places these organizations possessed one or more pieces of artillery. These pieces of artillery were carried over the counties and discharged upon the roads in the neighborhood of republican meetings, and at meetings held by the On the other hand, it is to be said, democrats. For many weeks before the speaking generally, that a controlling part election members of this military organiand, as we think, a majority, of the white zation traversed the various counties mendemocratic voters of the State were en-acing the voters and discharging their guna gaged in a systematic effort to carry the election, and this with a purpose to resort to all means within their power, including on the part of some of them the murder of prominent persons in the republican party, both black and white.

There was a minority, how large the committee are unable to say, who were opposed to the outrages which by this report are proved to have taken place. This minority, however, is for the time overawed and as powerless to resist the course of events as are the members of the republican party. Under more favorable circumstances they may be able to co-operate with the friends of order and redeem the State from the control of the revolutionary element.

(1.) The committee find that the young men of the State, especially those who reached manhood during the war, or who have arrived at that condition since the war, constitute the nucleus and the main force of the dangerous element.

As far as the testimony taken by the committee throws any light upon the subject it tends, however, to establish the fact that the democratic organizations, both in the counties and in the State, encouraged the young men in their course, accepted

by night as well as by day. This statement is sustained by the testimony of Captain W. A. Montgomery, Captain E. 0, Sykes, J. D. Vertner, leading democrate in their respective counties, as well as by the testimony of a large number of trustworthy republicans.

(4.) It appears from the testimony that for some time previous to the election it was impossible, in a large number of counties, to hold republican meetings. In the republican counties of Warren, Hinds, Lowndes, Monroe, Copiah, and Holmes meetings of the republicans were disturbed or broken up, and all attempts to engage in public discussion were abandoned by the republicans many weeks before the election.

(5.) The riots at Vicksburgh on the 5th of July, and at Clinton on the 4th of September, were the results of a special purpose on the part of the democrats to break up the meetings of the republicans, to destroy the leaders, and to inaugurate an era of terror, not only in those counties, but throughout the State, which would deter republicans, and particularly the negroes, from organizing or attending meetings, and especially deter them from the free exercise of the right to vote on the day of

miles. After we had been living there about three months we were waited upon by the owners of the land, and they asked Mr. Haffa whether he was a friend to the white people or to the nigger, using a profane word. They called him outside and I followed him and stood at the door and heard what they said.

Q. Do you know who these people were? A. Frank and William Bush, the owners of the land. William Bush was not an owner, but Frank was. William Bush was the agent for his wife and did all the business connected with the estate, which bebelonged to his wife. Her name was Mollie Bush.

Among the innocent victims of those days of horror and crime was Mr. William P. Haffa, a white man, a teacher by profession, a justice of the peace by the choice of his fellow-citizens, and a candidate for re-election upon the republican ticket. He Mr. Haffa said he was a friend to any was a resident of Philadelphia with his one, be he black or white, that was deservfamily until the year 1870, when he emi-ing of his friendship. They then said to grated to Mississippi for the purpose of planting. The story of his assassination, as related by his wife, is here given in full :

usual-I always went to the door when there was white people come around, for I was very much afraid of them myself.

So they got him out by a tree a short distance off, and they had hitched their horses to that tree. I watched them and they took a cowhide and commenced to lash him very freely with it. I ran out and grasped him around the waist. They said, "We will show you what Southern blood is." Mr. Haffa never said a word. I said, "Mr. Bush, you have a wife in heaven and a child also, here; remember what your fate will be. I am here among strangers." | He says, "Well, you have got no business to be down here among such an illiterate class of people."

MRS. HAFFA INJURED.

life. One evening after he came home from the depot-be went there generally of a Saturday to get his mail-a son of a member of the board of supervisors-I think he was a supervisor; he was an officer anyhow; his name was Fatheree. I always answered the door if anybody called at night; and, in fact, in the day time as well as night, for I thought I might do better than Mr. Haffa--he came to the door and says: "Is Mr. Haffa in?" Says I: "Yes, sir." He says, "I wish to see him on business." I said, "Won't you alight and walk in?" He said, "No." in?" He said, "No." I went in and told Mr. Haffa, and I went out with a candle, and he says to me, "Mamma, you go in; it is too cold for you here, you will take cold." The young man says to him: "Send your wife in. I want to talk about business, and it is not prudent for ladies to be present." There was a colored woman, a school-teacher, there, standing by me. Mr. Haffa then spoke in a more emphatic manner than usual for me to go in, and I went to turn around with the candle to go in when this colored woman just shook her head that way, [indicating,] and I said, "I will not go in," and I turned, and at that moment saw a pistol aimed at Mr. Haffa. He had it cocked, but Mr. Haffa snatched it from his hand and made him get down off his horse and put him in the cotton-house and locked him up until the In the meantime Mr. Haffa had gone to next morning. In the morning he knocked Jackson to make his bond for his position at the door and prayed to be let out, and as magistrate for the second term. He asked Mr. Haffa's pardon, and said he did was there for a few days and then went not intend anything. back and attended to his business, leaving me there.

And finally, I kept on, and I presume it lasted over an hour, perhaps two hours; and they kept on until they got up to the house, and then Frank Bush took hold of me and threw me violently against a sill in front of the door, and the effects of it I have never got over yet. I was laid up in consequence of it for about a month. I was taken to Jackson, Mississippi. Senator Caldwell, of Mississippi, a colored man, paid my expenses there, which cost him $50. I was there for a month to be recuperated; I was not able to be home at all; they had no hopes of me.

Mr. Haffa thought, probably, on account of the feeling, that it would be better to be lenient than to use harsh means, though he had him in his power, so he let him out; and, said he, "Squire, won't you give me my pistol?" It was a small Derringer pistol. Mr. Haffa said, "I don't know

back to me, please? I will promise you I won't do any such thing as that again, and I am very sorry for it, but I was put up to do it." Mr. Haffa said, "Who put you up to do it ?" and he would not say who it was; and he gave him back his pistol and he went home.

Then I went home, and there was nothing of any moment occurred for several months. Then Robinette, a brother-in-that I will." He said, "Will you give it law of these Bushes, met Mr. Haffa coming from the depot with my little boy, who was on a mule, and Mr. Haffa was on a horse. Robinette came up to Mr. Haffa and took hold of his whiskers and told him he wanted him to come down off his horse and he would have it out with him there. Mr. Haffa somehow got away from him and put spurs to his horse, and the horse ran, and then Robinett fired at my little boy.

ATTEMPT AT ASSASSINATION.

Owing to the excitement he could not get out any warrant to have the man arrested, and there was never anything done with him. So, repeatedly after that, the Bushes made attempts at Mr. Haffa, and Mr. Haffa had always somebody with him wherever he went. He had to be guarded by the colored people. Even in going to the stable, which was no farther than from here across the street, he was afraid of his

Two or three days after that his mother called on me-Mr. Haffa was absent at the time-and made an apology to me for the conduct of her son. Mr. Haffa says, "We will think nothing about it; we will let it slide, as long as he made reparation for it. In that way probably I can overcome them by kindness."

MRS. HAFFA TEACHES SCHOOL AND ADVISES

COLORED VOTERS.

Then he came on North here and remained a year, and left me there as teacher. I have been teacher there ever since the public schools have been in vogue. The school-house was only twenty or thirty