of capitalists, and of the State, without detracting in that respect from the rights of each, and the principles of justice, which have established the credit of France, and which have raised it so high in modern times. By these measures skilfully combined, your Majesty will create the means of speedily meeting, without additional sacrifices, the expenses which are required for the prosperity of agriculture and of commerce, for the public works, the completion of our sea-ports, the repairs of roads, and the construction of canals. We shall give to-all these objects that serious attention which is imposed upon us by that which is our duty, the seconding of the views of your Majesty, and concurrence in those great and useful operations.

We shall pay equal attention to the examination of the laws relative to the judicial department, to the public administration, and for bettering the condition of retired soldiers, which your Majesty designs to lay before the Chambers. The measures which your Majesty has in contemplation for the purpose of soothing the declining years of men who have passed their lives in defending their King and their Country, will excite the gratitude of the army and of all the citizens.

When your Majesty expresses the lively satisfaction you feel at the generous interposition of the humane, in behalf of the indigent in all parts of the kingdom, and especially in your good city of Paris, during a long and severe winter, we are gratified in being able to remind your Majesty of

that which the poor can never forget that your Majesty and your august family were the first to show a brilliant example in that great work of benevolence.

The first wish of your Majesty's paternal heart is to contemplate France, in the peaceable enjoyment of her institutions, happy and respected. Sire, she will be so. Of what avail would malevolent insinuations be against the expressed declaration of your Majesty's will, to maintain and consolidate these institutions ? The monarchy is their basis; the rights of your crown will remain immoveable; they are no less dear to the nation than its liberties; placed under your protection, they strengthen the ties which bind the people to your throne and dynasty. France is no less averse from anarchy than is her king from despotism.

If guilty manœuvres should raise obstacles against your Government, they would be speedily surmounted, not merely by the Peers who are the hereditary defenders of the Throne and Charter, but that of an immense majority of the nation. For it is the wish and interest of all that the sacred rights of the Crown should remain inviolate, and that in union with the public liberties, they should be transmitted to the successors of your Majesty, and to our latest posterity, who are the heirs of our confidence and of our love.

The King answered this address, which was presented to him by the Chancellor, in the following words:

SIRE,It is with lively gratitude that your faithful subjects, the Deputies of the Departments, assembled round your Throne, have heard from your august mouth the gratifying expressions of the confidence you place in them. Happy in being able to inspire your Majesty with this sentiment, they will render themselves worthy of it by the inviolable fidelity of which they here renew the respectful homage, and which they will further deserve by the loyal performance of their duties.

We rejoice with you, Sire, at the events which have consolidated the peace of Europe, strengthened the concord already established between your Majesty and your Allies, and which have

put an end to the war in the East.

May the unhappy people whom your generous succor has snatched from apparently inevitable destruction, ultimately find that the protection which your Majesty re serves for them, will secure their independence, their strength and their liberty.

We earnestly pray, Sire, for the success of the measures which you are taking, in concert with your allies, to effect the reconciliation of the Princes of the House of Braganza. It is an object worthy of your Majesty's solicitude, to put an end to the evils by which Portugal is afflicted, without infringing the sacred principles of legitimacy, which should be preserved inviolable for kings no less than for their people.

Your Majesty had suspended against a Barbary Power; but the effects of your resentment you have not deemed it expedient longer to delay requiring signal reparation for the insult offered to your Majesty's flag. We shall respectfully await the communication which your Majesty will doubtless cause to be laid before us on a subject of such high importance.

Sire, whenever it shall become necessary to defend the dignity of your Crown and to protect the commerce of France, you may rely on the support and devotedness of your people.

The Chamber will readily concur in any measures which your Majesty shall purpose, for improving the condition of superannuated soldiers. Such laws as may be laid before the Chamber relative to the judicial department, and

by the natural sweetness of his disposition, and the liveliness of his geniusqualities which, stimulated by a pure spirit of patriotism, by an earnest attachment to the pursuits of literature, and by indefatigable industry, have disclosed themselves in results of permanent influence upon the temper, the taste, and the public spirit of his country.

Mr Tudor, like many other eminent citizens of New England, received the first rudiments of a classical education at the Phillips Academy, in Andover; and in his 18th year [1796] was graduated at Harvard University. He soon after visited Europe, and spent several years in travelling in various countries of that hemisphere.

After having been several years a member of the Legislature of Massachusetts, in the year 1823 Mr Tudor was appointed Consul of the United States at Lima, and for the ports of Peru. He arrived there a short time before the battle of Ayacucho, the decisive blow which terminated the dominion of Spain in South America. That event was preceded and followed by various successive revolutions, of which Mr Tudor was a witness; and of the progress and secret springs of which, he gave to the Government of the United States the most particular and correct information. He was recognised as Consul of the United States by the first Republican Government, formed after the dissolution of the Spanish authority. Through all the successive changes in the Government which ensued, Mr Tudor, by his candor, his discretion, and his conciliatory deportment, acquired and preserved the consideration of all the alternately predominating parties; and, even while without official political character, by the influence of his personal virtues alone, had obtained the confidence of the most eminent and patriotic leaders of the country; insomuch, that when those unfortunate misunderstandings arose between the Republics of Columbia and Peru, which terminated in a war, Mr Tudor became the organ of a communication from the Peruvian Government, requesting the interposition of the United States to mediate a reconciliation between the two Republics. About the same time, the war between the Brazilian Government and the Republic of Buenos Ayres had led to numerous injurious acts and depredations committed by naval and other officers under Brazilian authority, against the commercial interests and citizens of the United States. In the summer of 1827, Mr Tudor was appointed Charge

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d'Affairs of the United States at Rio de Janeiro. He received his commission at Lima, in the course of that year, but was detained by illness there, and afterwards at Valparaiso, in Chili, so that he arrived at Rio de Janeiro in the summer of 1828. He there negotiated an arrangement of indemnity for the depredations which had been suffered by citizens of the United States, and a commercial treaty, which was ratified with the unanimous concurrence of the Senate of the United States. After accomplishing these important services, Mr Tudor obtained from the Government a temporary leave of absence, rendered necessary by the state of his health, and doubly so by the earnestness of his desires to revisit the country where all his affections were centered, and a parent in the decline of life, to whom his filial attachment was the return and the rewards of the tenderest maternal devotion. The long treasured. hope, mutually cherished, of this meeting, was destined to be disappointed. A few days of illness closed his life, and left to the surviving members of his family only the consolatory memory of his virtues, and a deeper interest in the promises and hopes of futurity.

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Mr Tudor was never married. incumbered with the cares and ties of domestic life, his feelings, always benevolent, and his intellect, always active, sought occupation in the regions of literature, and expanded into useful exertions of a lofty patriotism. He was the founder, and for two years the sole editor and proprietor, of the North American Review, a work which has contribut ed, more than any other that could be named, to raise the standard of letters, of taste, and of science, on this continent, He continued to contribute some of the most pleasing and valuable articles to this periodical miscellany, long after he had ceased to be its editor, and even during his residence in Peru. His Letters upon the Eastern States, opened to the observers of manners, and to the painters of nature, a field until then almost wholly unexplored, and which has since been successfully cultivated, both in the forms of fiction and of truth. His Life of James Otis, preserved for the instruction of future ages the memory of the profoundest and most intrepid of the patriots, who prepared the mighty revolution, which their successors were to achieve. Among his manuscripts, are several volumes nearly prepared for the press, on various subjects of public irterest, and containing much information

concerning the South American countries, which he had surveyed, during his residence in them, with the eye of an observer of nature and manners, of a statesman and a philosopher.

These are the principal and most lasting memorials left by William Tudor, of his own high and honorable spirit. The Monument of Bunker Hill, which it may engage the grateful patriotism of more than one generation to complete, originated also in the conceptions of his mind. He was the founder of the association by which that work was undertaken. Nor here should the list of his exertions for the improvement and honor of his country end: while a member of the Legislature of Massachusetts, he took a deep interest in every work purposed for the internal improvement of the State; and had it been his fortune once more to revisit his native land, no purpose of good or of glory, which could have been designed for her benefit, would have failed to receive countenance and support from him.

MARQUIS DE LALLY TOLLENDAL.

March 11th, 1830.- At Paris, aged 79, Trophine Gerard, Marquis de Lally Tollendal, Peer of France, Minister of state, &c.

This distinguished patriot, orator and scholar, was the son of the brave but unfortunate, Count Lally, commander in chief of the French army in India; who it will be remembered, fell a sacrifice in the year 1766, to the intrigues of a party who had conspired his destruction, as the only means of preserving their own lives and characters. An ini

quitous sentence of condemnation having been obtained against him, the unhappy general was beheaded, within six hours from the time of the judgment having been made known to him. Outraged justice, however, at length resumed her sway, for, in the year 1783, the attainder was reversed, the innocence of the murdered veteran was formally acknowledged; and his estates and honors restored to his son, the subject of this memoir.

Zealously devoted to the cause of national liberty, the Marquis de Lally Tollendal attached himself, in the early part of the revolution, to the popular party. On the 17th of July, 1789, he harangued Louis 16th, on his journey to Paris.

He voted, on the 4th August, for the abolition of the Droits feodaux ;' and

that the King be proclaimed Restorer of the liberty of France.' He voted also for the admissibility of all Frenchmen to public functions; regard only being had to their talents and virtue. After so many acts of devotion to the national cause, the Marquis de Lally suddenly lost all his popularity. He endeavored, in conjunction with M. M. Necker and Mounier, to establish in France a representative government, similar to that of England; the attempt brought upon him the hatred of the republicans. On finding his efforts to serve his country unavailing, and disgustedby the violent and cruel measures sanc ed by the convention, he withdrew from that assembly, of which his eloquence had rendered him one of the brightest ornaments.

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From having been once the most popular character in France, the Marquis de Lally was now become an object of the most rancorous persecution; was arrested, and thrown into the Abbaye, where he escaped, almost by a miracle, the horrible massacres of the 2d and 3d September, 1792, having been a prisoner in that prison at so late a period as the 30th of August. From a letter bearing that date, it seems that he was indebted for his release principally to the influence of his Scottish relation, Lord Loughborough.

Soon after his escape from the Abbaye he went over to England, where he resided for a considerable length of time.

On hearing that the Jacobin faction had proceeded to the enormity of subjecting their King to a trial, the Marquis de Lally's devotion to the person of his prince rendered him so regardless of his own safety, as to petition the convention for permission to defend him at their bar.

Upon his request being refused by the convention, he published, in England, his Plaidoyer pour Louis XVI, in which the cause of that unfortunate monarch is defended with consummate eloquence and unanswerable argumenta

tion.

Afterwards, in 1797, he published his Defense des Emigrés Français, a work of such extraordinary merit, that not less than 40,000 were sold in France as rapidly as they could issue from the press. Nor was it read with less interest in foreign countries; having been immediately translated into German, Italian, Portuguese, and (by Gifford) into English. His 'Compte rendre à des commettans,' and his Essai sur la vie de T. Wentworth compte de Strafford,' (in the latter of which he draws a parallel be

tween the case of Lord Strafford and that of his own murdered father,) are also works of no ordinary merit.

His speech in the chamber of Peers, on the 24th March, 1818, 'pour la prorogation de la loi rendue le 5 Decembre, 1814, en faveur de emigrés,' and printed by order of the chambers, drew from Louis XVIII. the complimentary title of 'L'Oratio pro Marcello.'

On the return of Bonaparte from Elba, in 1815, the Marquis de Lally followed Louis XVIII. to Ghent; and, on the second restoration of that monarch, he was elevated to the rank of Marquis, made a Peer of France, a minister of state, &c.

The venerable Marquis, notwithstand

ing the harassing scenes he had passed through during the last forty years of his life, retained, till within a very few days of his decease, his faculties in a state of almost youthful vigor; and was preparing an address to the Chamber of Peers, against the opening of the session, when it pleased Heaven to deprive that assembly, of one of its greatest ornaments, and the King, of a devoted ser

vant.

The Marquis left only one child, a daughter, married to the Count D'Aux, a French nobleman, by whom she has two children.

One distant branch of the family of Lally still exists in England, and two more remote branches in Ireland.