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have thus placed Colombia on the brink of ruin and shaken her political fabric to its foundation.

During the absence of Bolivar in the South, the administration of the Government was placed in the hands of his council of Ministers. It had before been suggested, that the most appropriate form of government for Colombia, was a Monarchy, and the present moment was seized upon to effect the change.

M. Brepon and the Duke of Montebello had just arrived at Bogota as Commissioners of the King of France, and the project was proposed to them, with the understanding that if France would render her assistance, they would propose the coronation of a French

Prince.

This treasonable project was mainly supported by Gen. Rafael Urdaneta a member of the council and Istanislao Vergusa, Secretary of Foreign Relations.

The French Commissioners merely replied that they would inform the government of the proposal, as they had no authority to act in an affair of this character, and the French Government up to this period has not interfered.

This affair constitutes one of those blots in the career of Bolivar, which the memory of his good deeds is scarcely sufficient to efface.

That Bolivar knew of the project there is no doubt, that he disapproved of it is equally true; but his subsequent conduct clearly indicates that his disapproval was grounded not on his opposition to a monarchy but to a French monarch.

General Urdaneta wrote to Paez at Venezuela communicating to him the designs of the council of ministers, and as will presently appear, produced an excitement, which was only quieted by the separation of that ancient province from the Republic of Colombia.

Meanwhile, Jose Maria Cordova, General of division arrived from the South and placing himself at the head of some patriots in the province of Novita, raised the cry of liberty. The Governor of the province of Novita followed his example; but the movement was partial and ineffectual.

The council of ministers, knowing the intrepidity and patriotism of Cordova had prepared themselves for the emergency. And a strong column was immediately despatched from Bogota against him, headed by General O'Leary, by whom he was defeated, and mortally wounded, not without suspicion that his wounds were not received in battle.

Bolivar, who was still in the South, and who knew full well the disposition of Cordova, received from him a letter in which he declared with frankness and energy his firm resolve to die if necessary in defence of the liberty of his country and the republican system.

The inflammatory state of Venezuela and the causes which were there preparing another revolution were equally known to him, and filled with alarm and disquietude he set out on his march for the Capital. The precarious situation of public affairs and the increasing distrust of his own motives and designs, at length determined the

Liberator again and for the last time to retire from the civil command, still however offering to sustain with his sword the Constitution which the new Congress should give to the republic.

In the department of the South, the fixed upon Mosquera, who was then in Papayan, having withdrawn himself from public affairs since his retirement from the office of State Councillor.

Bolivar on his march from the South visited Mosquera in Papayan and urged upon him his wish, that he would consent to become a candidate for the chair of State.

It was said, that Mosquera at first declined the dangerous honor, pleading his ill health and his repugnance to undertake so arduous a charge as that of reconciling the discordant materials of which Colombia was composed.

It certainly was a difficult matter for a single citizen to undertake to quiet the tempest then raging in the republic, and however highly we think of the patriotism and talents of Mosquera, we are disposed to question his power to have controlled the independence of the immense number of military chieftains with which the country was harassed, and which had in fact rendered it a military republic.

Bolivar arrived at Bogota on the 15th of January, 1830, and on the 26th of the same month installed the Constituent Congress of the republic.

In his message to Congress of the same date, he makes use of these remarkable words.

'If it had not been my lot to possess the honorable advantage of calling upon you to represent the rights of the people, that in conformity with the wishes of your constituents, you might remodel our institutions, this would be the place to exhibit to you the fruit of twenty years' exertions consecrated to the service of my country. But it is not for me to point out what all the citizens have the right to demand from you. I alone am deprived of this civic privilege, because having called you together and explained your duties, it is not permitted me in any manner to influence your counsels. It would be superfluous to repeat to the delegates of the people what Colombia has written in characters of blood. My only duty is reduced to unrestricted submission to the laws and the magistrates you may bestow upon us, and my fervent aspiration is that the will of the people may be proclaimed, respected and fulfilled by its delegates.'

After recommending in the strongest terms the necessity of naming another individual for the chair of State, he proceeds. 'Believe me, a new magistrate is indispensable for the republic.

'The people wish to know if I shall ever cease to command. Show yourselves, citizens, worthy of representing a free people by banishing every idea that supposes me necessary to the republic.

'A state dependent on one man ought not to exist, and will not exist. Hear my supplications! Save the republic! Preserve my

glory, which is the glory of elective and temporal Chief MaColombia. Dispose of the office gistrate.' of President, which I respectfully resign into your hands. From this day I am no more than a citizen armed to defend my country and ready to obey its laws. Discontinue my public employments forever. I make to you a formal and solemn delivery of the supreme authority which the national suffrages have conferred upon me.'

Besides the message of the Liberator, there was presented to Congress by his order, an exposition relating to the different branches of administration, and the political circumstances of the Republic.

This document, signed by the President of the council, 25th of January, 1830, after pointing out the evils which had afflicted the republic, contains the following extraordinary expressions.

'During the last four years there have been discussions more or less warm, more or less impartial, upon the form of government suited to Colombians, and in the multitude of writings, the opinions of almost all the citizens have been expressed.

'All without exception have manifested their desire for the establishment of a government, which shall be the firmest foundation of liberty, which shall secure individual rights, and preserve sacred the inviolability of property of every kind. In regard to the executive power alone, there are differences of opinion. Some desire a Supreme Magistrate for life, others an Hereditary Monarch, but the greater part prefer an

It may be necessary with a view to a full and complete understanding of the important events of this year, to explain the character of the Congress to which this message was addressed. The elections were undoubtedly free and regular. The different parties exerted themselves as customary in contested elections, in favor of their respective candidates; and the contest terminated in the choice of a large majority of ancient and well tried patriots, and among the most illustrious in Colombia. Among the deputies at large, Bolivar had unquestionably a majority, embracing therein a portion of those, who were in favor of a republican system of government, and who were unwilling to believe the Liberator other than friendly to the system, which they themselves were pledged to support.

The conduct of Bolivar at this moment, when the mere expression of his opinions of a republic, would have prostrated the hopes of the agitators and gone far to have reconciled the feuds existing throughout the country, was vacillating and temporizing. He refused to continue in office, but declined the expression of his opinion as to the form of Constitution they should adopt. It is certain, had it been his wish, Boliver might have been elected President, but the deference of that portion of his friends, who were attached to a liberal form of government and who held the balance of power, would carry them

no further, and as he persisted in his refusal to serve, they waited on another candidate. Meanwhile the long smothered flame burst forth, and Venezuela, with Paez at her head, declared herself independent of the Central Government at Bogota.

We will here briefly trace the causes which led to this result.

From the year 1821, when the Constitution of Colombia was first proclaimed, the municipality of Caraccas on taking the oath observed, that that portion of the republic had not been properly represented in the formation of that compact, and repeated manifestations of discontent were subsequently evinced by the inhabitants of Venezuela towards the government at Bogota, which excited fears, that they would think of separating from the rest of the republic. In 1826, as we have before remarked in a previous volume of this work, a revolution broke out proclaiming the federal form of government, and although the Liberator was able at that time to repress it, the fire of discord still burnt unnoticed. In the department of the South, and particularly in Quito (capital of the department of the Equator) they took the oath of allegiance to the Constitution in 1822, after having freed themselves from the Spanish sway, but expressed their unwillingness to be dependent on a Central Government resident at Bogota.

From the first, they constantly insisted, that the Constitution had been formed without their concurrence, because being at the time of its promulgation under the yoke of Spain.

The Constitution was indeed obeyed, but a jealous distrust of the government at Bogota, was evinced even in the act of rendering it obedience.

This jealousy, like that which exists in our own country, was excited and fostered as well by local parties as by the peculiar situation of the country.

The two great branches of human industry, Manufactures and Agriculture, were brought into direct collision. While the departments of the North were engaged in agricultural pursuits, the labor and wealth of the South were entirely devoted to manufactures.

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Instead of mutual assistance and support, dependent as they upon each other, the same petty jealousies, that have elsewhere been exhibited between these important branches of domestic industry prevailed there to the fullest extent, and seemed to widen the breach, which was already almost beyond repair.

The plan of the Bolivian confederation reanimated the projects of the South and of Venezuela in favor of the federal system, and was the immediate cause of the overthrow of the Constitution.

The following letter, written by General Bolivar to General Herez, who was then living at Lima as a member of the Council of State, having received his appointment as such from the Liberator, served to encourage the hopes of the dissentients.

Dec. 4, 1826.

During the eight days that I have remained in Bogota, I have been solely engaged in enforcing

upon the Vice President and Secretaries, the necessity of adopting the plan of the confederacy of the six States, and I believe that the Vice President will support it with all his influence. We have agreed not to reassemble the Congress, and to convoke a Grand Convention, when it will be easy to confirm the right of that which in fact now exists. Venezuela is in truth independent, and she will enter deeply into this plan, because torn to pieces by warm passions and by jarring interests, vacillating without a government, and full of misery as she is, she cannot but adopt it with pleasure. All the South anxiously desires it and New Grenada cannot remain isolated between two States embracing its boundaries. This letter as respects its politics, is also for General Santa Cruz and his worthy ministers, to whom you will impart these suggestions, that they may be prepared when Perez shall propose to Colombia the confederation heretofore agreed

on.

The Constitution being thus overthrown, various efforts were made to restore it, and the best hopes of the people rested on the Congress of 1830.

These hopes however proved fallacious, the expectations from the Congress were destroyed by the plan of monarchy before mentioned, and Venezuela, alarmed at the prospect, declared a separation.

The 25th November, 1829, Caraccas declared her separation from New Grenada, by disowning the authority of Bolivar, and all the provinces of the ancient

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This disclosure was followed by a burst of indignation, which resounded throughout the republic, and convinced the partisans of the measure, of the difficult nature of their undertaking to deliver over the country into the hands of a foreign monarch. A representation signed by 1500 citizens of Caraccas on the 24th Dec. 1829, was sent to General Bolivar, imforming him of their resolution, and concluding with these words

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The world will investigate the causes of the misfortunes, deaths, and horrors which will ensue, and will not be deceived by the pretexts, by which they are sought to be imputed to us. We would leave open the graves of the victims, that our posterity may see the blood shed by their fathers, and the wounds which they received from the hands of those who wished to destroy their heroic patriotism.'

The news of the commotion in Venezuela and her separation from the republic, having reached Bogota, the question was at once presented to Congress; whether

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